tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-30859496448653799262023-11-15T08:51:13.254-08:008 Months in NairobiSara Nicshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15754607646191815673noreply@blogger.comBlogger91125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3085949644865379926.post-91912054989237131942008-11-05T22:28:00.000-08:002011-07-26T01:58:44.900-07:00Great Kenyan Politicians Wanted<a href="http://commonco.typepad.com/.shared/image.html?/photos/uncategorized/2008/11/05/barack_4_web.jpg" onclick="window.open(this.href, '_blank', 'width=600,height=450,scrollbars=no,resizable=no,toolbar=no,directories=no,location=no,menubar=no,status=no,left=0,top=0'); return false"><img alt="Barack_4_web" border="0" height="112" src="http://commonco.typepad.com/8months/images/2008/11/05/barack_4_web.jpg" style="float: left; margin: 0px 5px 5px 0px;" title="Barack_4_web" width="150" /></a>It's a national holiday today in Kenya. There were fireworks in Nairobi last night and I hear that Kisumu has become one big carnival. Hawkers are walking lanes of ever-jammed Nairobi traffic, selling <i>Obama '08</i> bumper stickers, campaign signs, and t-shirts with pictures of Barack Obama and "Made in Kenya" written below.<br />
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Obama's warm reception across the country was not always so widespread. During a 2006 speech at the University of Nairobi, he talked about the nearly ubiquitous corruption among public officials in Kenya. He also criticized the government for a weak anti-terror policy, and politics shaped by negative ethnicity. Those comments ticked off some of the political elite and their supporters.<br />
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The government's spokesman, Alfred Mutua, issued a statement a couple of days after Obama's speech saying that Obama was "poorly informed". I wasn't living in Kenya back then, but people here tell me that one national newspaper (which is typically government-supporting and Kikuyu-leaning) was full of criticism of Obama. Some writers said he was only pulling a JFK-style "back to the roots" political trip; the Senator from Illinois was certainly not Kenyan. <br />
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Now President-elect, Obama is all Kenyan, as far as most people here are concerned. The Kenyan papers are full of praise for him and speculation about what he might be able to do for this country. When I talked with people a couple of months ago for a Man On the Street story, Nairobians seemed pretty realistic. No one thought that an Obama presidency would mean great change for Kenya. Some people hoped that Kenya's tourist industry might benefit. They were proud that a man with Kenyan heritage was going so far in such an important political race, but they didn't think that U.S. aid dollars to Kenya would suddenly increase. <br />
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Aid dollars aside, I think there might be another way that coming together over Obama might benefit Kenya. <br />
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It was less than a year ago that Kenya surprised the world with a largely undemocratic and violent election. Kenyan politicians used the negative ethnicity that Obama talked about in 2006 to garner votes and spur protest.<br />
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If this country can rally behind a politician with Luo heritage, not because he is Luo but because he seems to be a good leader, a man who communicates ideas in a clear way, a person apparently guided by strong principles, maybe the ethnic drive behind Kenyan politics will ease a bit. <br />
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Obama was born to a Kenyan father and a white American mother. He spent his early childhood in Indonesia. His middle name is Hussein. Kenyans can see that voters in the United States, a country alternately lauded and criticized for equality or xenophobia, have cast their ballots for such a person.<br />
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Maybe that will give Kenyan voters the courage to rally behind another Kenyan politician. Maybe someone will emerge who has a bright mind, strong principles and great leadership skills. Maybe that politician will run in a <em>Kenyan</em> election. And maybe he or she will win on the merit of their political vision and skill, not their ethnicity.Sara Nicshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15754607646191815673noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3085949644865379926.post-39044271039003072602008-06-04T10:46:00.000-07:002011-07-26T02:04:38.364-07:00Infrastructure + entrepreneurship = development?<a href="http://commonco.typepad.com/.shared/image.html?/photos/uncategorized/2008/06/04/george_4_web_2.jpg"><img alt="George_4_web_2" border="0" height="78" src="http://commonco.typepad.com/8months/images/2008/06/04/george_4_web_2.jpg" style="float: right; margin: 0px 0px 5px 5px;" title="George_4_web_2" width="100" /></a> George had a plan when he moved to Nairobi from Western Kenya. He shared a room in Kibera and worked for a year as a construction laborer. Making less than a dollar a day, he saved up enough money to put himself through driving school. He worked as a day laborer for another year until he found a job driving for a NGO. He's now saving money to buy his own vehicle. Once he's driving for himself, he'll save money to buy land in Western Kenya. After he's saved a little more money, he will go back to Kisumu and build some houses. He'll do the work himself. When the houses are up, George says the rent income will support his retirement. <br />
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George is in his late 20s. He knows that this plan will take him many years. It will not make him rich, but it will make him financially independent. <br />
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George is one of the most hard-working and determined people I have ever met. He is also deeply optimistic that he will achieve his goals.<br />
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Here in Kenya, I've met quite a few people like George, people with plans for how to build modest or great wealth for themselves. <br />
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I grew up in Canada. I nursed at the teat of a great social welfare state. I came out of university with a journalism and political science degree that had only reinforced my left-leaning tendencies (no fault of my professors, I studied what I wanted to study). But the longer I spend here, the more I see the power of business. I also see the critical role the government must play in supporting business development without stalling it with too many licensing and registration rules. I am increasingly convinced that infrastructure (and maybe micro-finance, though my internal jury is still out on that one) is key to helping George and other entrepreneurs to improve their lives. <br />
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Good roads make it easier for people to move materials to manufacturing centers, then to move finished goods to market. Electricity makes it possible for businesses to open earlier and close later, and for small manufacturing industries to increase their productivity.<br />
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<a href="http://8monthsinnairobi.blogspot.com/2007/11/pitfalls-and-potential-in-kenya-slums.html">The Kenyan Slum Upgrading Program</a> is working slowly to provide some of that much-needed infrastructure in various communities around the country. The program is not perfect. The work is slow and sometimes involves displacing people who live in the slums, but in the end it may help improve the entire economy. If people start their own businesses, they can provide for themselves. They can also hire other people and, eventually, pay taxes that could (minus corruption and mismanagement) be invested in more infrastructure development.<br />
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I did <a href="http://marketplace.publicradio.org/display/web/2008/06/02/kenyan_slums">a story for marketplace about the potential for business creation in the slums</a>.<br />
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Someone pointed out to me recently that a more stable domestic economy is another benefit of small business development. Currently <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economy_of_Kenya">Kenya's economy depends greatly on foreign aid money, tourist dollars and internationally-owned agricultural businesses</a>. If the country sees another, more lengthy round of domestic unrest like we had in January, the tourists and the foreign farmers may flee. But Kenyans aren't going anywhere and the money they make tends to stay in the country.<br />
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I know it's not quite so simple but for now, my hypothesis is that Infrastructure + Entrepreneurship = Widespread, Stable Domestic Development.<br />
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What do you think?Sara Nicshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15754607646191815673noreply@blogger.com4tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3085949644865379926.post-88524698286811014542008-05-13T05:34:00.000-07:002011-07-26T02:08:51.410-07:00Food for thought<a href="http://commonco.typepad.com/.shared/image.html?/photos/uncategorized/2008/05/13/kiosk_4_web_2.jpg" onclick="window.open(this.href, '_blank', 'width=400,height=733,scrollbars=no,resizable=no,toolbar=no,directories=no,location=no,menubar=no,status=no,left=0,top=0'); return false"></a> When I first moved to my apartment, the red roadside kiosk up the hill was selling eggs for five shillings (six cents in USD) a piece.<br />
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In late February the price went up to six shillings.<br />
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One day in mid-March I went to buy some eggs and they cost seven shillings each. The next day, the price had gone up to eight.<br />
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"What?" I asked the Ethiopian kiosk owner, "Yesterday the eggs were seven?"<br />
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"I know, I know," he said. "Everything is going up. Bread used to be 25 shillings. Now it's 35. Milk is up too. What can I do?"<br />
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<a href="http://commonco.typepad.com/.shared/image.html?/photos/uncategorized/2008/05/13/kiosk_4_web_2.jpg" onclick="window.open(this.href, '_blank', 'width=400,height=733,scrollbars=no,resizable=no,toolbar=no,directories=no,location=no,menubar=no,status=no,left=0,top=0'); return false"><img alt="Kiosk_4_web_2" border="0" height="183" src="http://commonco.typepad.com/8months/images/2008/05/13/kiosk_4_web_2.jpg" style="float: left; margin: 0px 5px 5px 0px;" title="Kiosk_4_web_2" width="100" /></a>There are many factors affecting food prices in Kenya right now. Global prices for fuel, fertilizers and seeds are going up. The economy is struggling since the post-election violence. The rainy and dry seasons are no longer predictable, so farmers are unsure when to plant. And many people in rural areas who grew their own food and/or grew food for market are still displaced from their land.<br />
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The changes affect everyone: wholesalers, transporters, farmers, vendors and customers. <br />
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The government is promising subsidized fertilizer, but it's not clear how many farmers will benefit from the plan in this planting season.<br />
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Here's <a href="http://reliefweb.int/rw/RWB.NSF/db900SID/SHES-7ECSWW?OpenDocument">a short report I did for Voice of America</a> that touches on some of the myriad issues. <br />
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It's a little frustrating to attempt to sum up such a big, important issue into a little story. Anybody want to pay me to write 2,000 or more words on it?Sara Nicshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15754607646191815673noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3085949644865379926.post-8772087743765710092008-05-10T01:31:00.000-07:002010-11-24T01:33:23.037-08:00First person foodWith apologies for being so silent of late, here's a link to <a href="http://www.guardianweekly.co.uk/?page=editorial&id=579&catID=7.">some recent work.</a>Sara Nicshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15754607646191815673noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3085949644865379926.post-88853854884382098922008-04-18T00:10:00.000-07:002011-07-26T02:10:57.026-07:00Speaking of MungikiAnother Kenyan blogger, Lost White Kenyan Chick, has a good on-the-ground update about the Mungiki situation these days.<br />
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You can read her post <a href="http://lostwhitekenyan.blogspot.com/2008/04/now-what.html">here</a>, and here's an excerpt:<br />
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<em>I was talking to someone in the morning who lives in Dandora. Now personally I would have said that Dandora was really one of the better areas of Nairobi in which to live. Rents are far from being the cheapest and it is most definitely not a "bad" area of town with minimal violence, thuggery or anything else going down there - even in the post-election skirmishes - but now it seems Dandora is not the place you wish to be calling "home" anymore.</em><br />
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<em>Now it seems that if you live in Dandora, first of all, you'll be lucky if you can find transport at all, as all the matatus (or mini buses) that run around the area into and out of town have been warned off the roads, and those that are operating are charging over 150/- (over US$2) per trip, which when most wanainchi make not much over that in a day is not exactly conducive to bother going to work at all. </em><em>Then she tells me that all the ladies in the area have been given leaflets telling them what to wear. </em><br />
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<em>It must be a skirt and the length must reach below the knee. Penalty for not following the dress code is a humiliating stripping and public beating. </em><br />
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<em>Last night, SMS's were sent round all over saying that you must leave the city centre by 7.30pm or you shall be killed. Then this morning new SMS's stated that all those who work in the Industrial Area should not go into work. </em><br />
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<em>It's all just fear mongering but hey how much is your life worth, and is it worth ignoring these warnings because by doing so Eric Kiraithe </em>[the police spokesman]<em> says you're doing the right thing ??</em><br />
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<em>The public demands from the Mungiki are that they are mourning the death of the wife of their leader (who is currently inside being entertained at the country's expense), who was shot last week together with her driver, and they believe the police were involved and should be brought to book for it, and that they want some police force group that has been formed to crack down on them all, to be disbanded. </em><br />
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<em>However, the leaflets now circulating on the ground "explaining" this reign of terror go with a slightly different, yet more realistic reasoning, and that is that the "Mungiki" say they have not been paid their "protection" monies from various government ministers for the last few months. They had no part in the general election and therefore gained no rewards from that, and now that the Kikuyus have not taken a majority in the parliament and just to prove how powerful they are, they are going to paralyse operations in Kenya just to show that "all is not normal" just because a cabinet has been named and all is "apparently well".</em> <br />
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That said, there is a story in the Standard newspaper today that the Mungiki have ordered members to stop fighting. The call for ceasefire came after Prime Minister Odinga made a public request for the group to stop its protests. Public statements from Mungiki leaders promised to work with Odinga. It's a curious turn of allegiances, since the dominant public perception is that Mungiki is partially aligned with the Kikuyus and the so-called Mt. Kenya Mafia. <br />
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But maybe the Mungiki are turning into politicians, shifting allegiances and all. The group has even been holding press conferences over the past week!Sara Nicshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15754607646191815673noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3085949644865379926.post-709739724368523142008-04-15T03:44:00.000-07:002011-07-26T02:17:17.035-07:00"Let them eat cake"<a href="http://commonco.typepad.com/.shared/image.html?/photos/uncategorized/2008/04/15/food_fears_oped_0408.jpg" onclick="window.open(this.href, '_blank', 'width=700,height=766,scrollbars=no,resizable=no,toolbar=no,directories=no,location=no,menubar=no,status=no,left=0,top=0'); return false"></a><br />
<div style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: white; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; color: black; font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: small; margin-bottom: 8px; margin-left: 8px; margin-right: 8px; margin-top: 8px;">Food has been on my mind a lot lately. Food prices in particular, and food scarcity.<br />
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The World Bank, <a _mce_href="http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=26310&Cr=food&Cr1=prices" href="http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=26310&Cr=food&Cr1=prices">the UN</a> and countless other organizations are attempting to sound the alarm about rising <a _mce_href="http://english.aljazeera.net/NR/exeres/9E171998-333A-467B-9872-539E7AA7FEED.htm" href="http://english.aljazeera.net/NR/exeres/9E171998-333A-467B-9872-539E7AA7FEED.htm">food prices around the globe</a>.<br />
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Here in Kenya, the food prices have already risen significantly over the past three months. That inflation is precipitated and exacerbated by domestic politics, climate and many other factors.<br />
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An op-ed in Monday's Daily Nation sums it up nicely. Rasna Warah writes:<br />
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<em><a _mce_href="http://commonco.typepad.com/.shared/image.html?/photos/uncategorized/2008/04/15/food_fears_oped_0408.jpg" href="http://commonco.typepad.com/.shared/image.html?/photos/uncategorized/2008/04/15/food_fears_oped_0408.jpg"><img _mce_src="http://commonco.typepad.com/8months/images/2008/04/15/food_fears_oped_0408.jpg" _mce_style="float: left; margin: 0px 5px 5px 0px;" alt="Food_fears_oped_0408" border="0" height="109" src="http://commonco.typepad.com/8months/images/2008/04/15/food_fears_oped_0408.jpg" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; float: left; margin-bottom: 5px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 5px; margin-top: 0px;" title="Food_fears_oped_0408" width="100" /></a>A researcher at the Institute of Security Studies in South Africa has noted that the impact of the food crisis will be felt most acutely in African countries, where there is already a lot of anger in urban areas around issues such as unemployment and lack of basic services, especially among the poor.</em><br />
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<em>Kenyans are not known to protest over food prices - we tend to take to the streets only to voice our support or opposition to a political party or leader, not because we cannot afford to feed ourselves or our families.</em><br />
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<em>But given our fragile political situation, rising inflation (now at more than 20 per cent), high unemployment, an impending drought and a declining economy, it won't be long before people begin to protest in other ways - through crime, looting and violence.</em><br />
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<em>High food prices can thus lead to other forms of social instability and anarchy. The scenario is too horrific to even imagine.</em></div>Sara Nicshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15754607646191815673noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3085949644865379926.post-47550665381126991382008-04-14T04:47:00.000-07:002011-07-26T02:20:23.555-07:00Peeling the onionThere is a resolution, in principle, on the question of how to <a href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/7345617.stm">shape the Kenyan cabinet</a>. Other questions remain about how these leaders will work together to run government. If it's taken them six weeks to agree on the cabinet matter...<br />
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Despite the weekend announcement of the cabinet decision, there are disturbances around the country today. We woke this morning to phone calls and SMSs about fighting in Nairobi neighbourhoods. Word on the street is that the fighting is retaliatory violency following the apparent murder of the wife of the Mungiki leader last week.<br />
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<a href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/6685393.stm">Mungiki is tough to define.</a> They're a group with many faces: organized crime, religious sect, Kikuyu-led gang, political agitants for hire. The violence in Kenya that followed the December elections has increased the powerbase of Mungiki. The fighting along tribal lines also stimulated the growth of rival gangs who began by promising protection to members of certain tribes.<br />
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So although the cabinet question is resolved for now, this morning's violence is a reminder of the multiple layers of Kenyan politics. Here's hoping not every peel of that onion will bring tears.Sara Nicshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15754607646191815673noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3085949644865379926.post-42339115414695491912008-04-09T10:00:00.000-07:002011-07-26T02:23:58.581-07:00Two steps forward, too many steps back<img alt="Standard_tuesday" border="0" height="138" src="http://commonco.typepad.com/8months/images/2008/04/10/standard_tuesday.jpg" style="float: left; margin: 0px 5px 5px 0px;" title="Standard_tuesday" width="100" />It's been a wildly winding road toward the establishment of a functional government in Kenya. <br />
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As Kenyans watch the <a href="http://www.economist.com/daily/news/displaystory.cfm?story_id=10997665">post-election confusion and violence in Zimbabwe</a>, things are not much brighter at home. Although there are agreements in principle on powersharing in Kenya, the actual act of sharing power seems to be difficult.<br />
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The sticking points in the current round of talks are the size of the shared cabinet, and which party will control which portoflios.<br />
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<a href="http://commonco.typepad.com/.shared/image.html?/photos/uncategorized/2008/04/10/cabinet_division.jpg" onclick="window.open(this.href, '_blank', 'width=400,height=300,scrollbars=no,resizable=no,toolbar=no,directories=no,location=no,menubar=no,status=no,left=0,top=0'); return false"><img alt="Cabinet_division" border="0" height="75" src="http://commonco.typepad.com/8months/images/2008/04/10/cabinet_division.jpg" style="float: left; margin: 0px 5px 5px 0px;" title="Cabinet_division" width="100" /></a> As recently as last Friday, there seemed to be an agreement. The cabinet would include 40 seats: 20 for ODM, 20 for PNU. The posts were doled out. <br />
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But a meeting on Sunday to finalize the details over five key posts broke down. The questions were over who will run Foreign Affairs, Cabinet Affairs, Local Government, Transport and Energy. The parties did not agree and this week Kenyans are back to: Cabinet, question mark.<br />
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<a href="http://commonco.typepad.com/.shared/image.html?/photos/uncategorized/2008/04/10/nation_today.jpg" onclick="window.open(this.href, '_blank', 'width=400,height=515,scrollbars=no,resizable=no,toolbar=no,directories=no,location=no,menubar=no,status=no,left=0,top=0'); return false"><img alt="Nation_today" border="0" height="128" src="http://commonco.typepad.com/8months/images/2008/04/10/nation_today.jpg" style="float: left; margin: 0px 5px 5px 0px;" title="Nation_today" width="100" /></a>As the leaders retreated from face-to-face talks to memos and envoys, <a href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/7336522.stm">protests in a few isolated parts of Kenya</a> turned violent yesterday. Once again, PNU is pointing to the constitution while ODM is protesting that Kibaki's party must abide by the deal signed a month ago. PNU is threatening to dissolve parliament and call for new elections.<br />
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As in February, international figures are making public statements calling for a resolution to the dispute.<br />
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The Kenyan shilling is falling against the dollar. In a country where inflation is ongoing - where a cabbage that cost 20 shillings in December is now selling for 60 - the political instability is bad news for Kenyans.<br />
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If you want to keep track of what kind of agreements have been made, and the reconciliation efforts, <a href="http://www.dialoguekenya.org/agreements.aspx">here is the site to visit.</a><br />
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<a href="http://commonco.typepad.com/.shared/image.html?/photos/uncategorized/2008/04/10/signing.jpg" onclick="window.open(this.href, '_blank', 'width=583,height=232,scrollbars=no,resizable=no,toolbar=no,directories=no,location=no,menubar=no,status=no,left=0,top=0'); return false"><img alt="Signing" border="0" height="139" src="http://commonco.typepad.com/8months/images/2008/04/10/signing.jpg" style="float: left; margin: 0px 5px 5px 0px;" title="Signing" width="350" /></a> <a href="http://www.dialoguekenya.org/agreements.aspx"></a>Sara Nicshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15754607646191815673noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3085949644865379926.post-37219939418220988082008-03-18T04:54:00.000-07:002011-07-26T02:29:42.491-07:008 Months and then someThe mosquitoes woke me up at two and five this morning. Our hot water heater exploded a couple of days ago; I haven't washed my hair since Monday. The frozen shrimp I bought for dinner last night were slightly off. My dinner guests and I are on the watch for food poisoning.<br />
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My ever-overloaded backpack just exploded all over Yaya Center. The bottle of sunscreen I was carrying popped out and wheeled through the air, leaving sticky white goo all over me and the counter of the coffee shop where I'm sitting. The French ex-pat down the counter from me is drinking his first Tusker of the morning and looking at me like I couldn't be more crass. <br />
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It's one of those days. You know, the days when Murphy's long arm is meddling in all your business.<br />
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And still, somehow, I am laughing. This is what Kenya has done to me. I am just happy here.<br />
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Despite political turmoil. Despite not being able to walk safely on the roads at night. Despite being constantly overcharged for fruit and taxi rides. Despite no access to fresh seafood. Despite an ever-expanding network of fine lines, a product of fair skin and the equatorial sun. Despite horrific traffic on bad roads. Despite a steadily shrinking bank balance and no steady income.<br />
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I am just happy here.<br />
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I came to Kenya seven months ago. Journalists for Human Rights sent me here to "build the capacity" of Kenyan journalists to report on human rights abuses. I had never been to Africa before. I took a leave of absence from a fun job as a news producer and fill-in host for the Maine Public Broadcasting Network. <br />
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I expected culture shock. I expected professional frustration. I expected sunburns and a lingering sense of groundlessness. <br />
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But this happiness, I didn't expect it.<br />
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This blog is called 8 Months, but I've decided to extend my time here indefinitely. My work for Journalists for Human Rights and the African Woman and Child Feature Service is over. I have no guaranteed income. I am staying anyhow, and not just for the inexplicable happiness.<br />
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I am staying for the myriad professional and personal challenges I face here every day. <br />
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It's not only bad shellfish. Every day I find out how little I know: about this country, about reporting, about myself. Every day I have to negotiate unexpected circumstances: attempting to file audio clips when all the Internet connections in Nairobi are slowed to a snail's pace, trying to find an electrician to fix the blown hot water tank, sweet talking security guards who want to confiscate my equipment before a big interview.<br />
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I am never bored in Kenya. <br />
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Every day there are more juicy stories on my want-to-cover list. Sometimes I wish for more hours in the day. Sometimes I wish I needed less sleep. I have never been so professionally stimulated.<br />
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I look at the list of want-to-cover stories taped to the wall above my little desk and my blood pressure spikes. It's not stress. It's excitement. There is so much work to do here. There are countless stories going untold.<br />
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As a freelancer, I am free to focus on the stories behind the stories. I am able to spend time on multiple, long interviews with one person who is not a news-maker. I can assign myself a story about local musicians, another about new agricultural technology and a third about international business. I can choose to ride my bicycle around the city for a day because, after seven months here, I know a great story will find me if only I keep my eyes and ears open.<br />
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That's why I'm staying in Kenya. <br />
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I have so much to learn. My Swahili is elementary. Kenyan political history is a tangled knot of tribe, party and corruption that I am only beginning to understand. But somehow, being an ignorant white woman works for me here. It gives me license to ask elementary questions, to play dumb, to be consciously oblivious. <br />
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And now that I am beginning to figure out how to be a reporter here - it requires a different skill set than North American reporting - I can ask those elementary questions of all sorts of people. I trust my intuition, and my naivete. I also trust my ability to bring notes back to my little desk, pump out a decent story and cross one more idea of my want-to-cover list. <br />
<br />
As long as that list keeps growing, I will stay here. As long as I continue to be elated at new story ideas, I can't imagine why I would choose to be anywhere else. <br />
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Sometimes my joy here does leave me feeling guilty about not feeling guilty. Why should I be so happy in a country where many people are struggling on multiple fronts? <br />
<br />
I soothe my conscience by reminding myself that Africa is still a 'dark continent' as far as much of the world is concerned; there are still people who think Africa is one country. <br />
<br />
There are countless people in this country and this region whose stories are going untold. In some small way, I can help carry a few of those voices around the world. I can use my pen and microphone to help us understand one another a little better.Sara Nicshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15754607646191815673noreply@blogger.com10tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3085949644865379926.post-75218277245333412922008-03-10T03:39:00.000-07:002011-07-26T02:31:07.573-07:00The art of coalitionWe are learning all sorts of things about coalitions and democracy here in Kenya these days.<br />
<br />
This weekend's East African had a great interview with the German ambassador to Kenya. Walter Lindner talked about the utility of so-called <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Grand_coalition">grand coalitions</a> when major national changes are underway that require broad consensus.<br />
<br />
He spoke of Germany's recent experiences with a grand coalition: the hiccups, the tentative cooperation, the pull of party versus broad reform.<br />
<br />
One of my favorite quotes was a response to a question about who oversees government when there is no official opposition.<br />
<br />
"<em>I guess the press will have to play a crucial role in keeping the government in check. Secondly, public opinion will be very important and things must be done in a way that everybody knows what is going on. But most of all, Kenya needs internal checks and balances within the coalition. This could be done with proper balancing of ministerial posts...</em>"Sara Nicshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15754607646191815673noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3085949644865379926.post-74084396118104873362008-03-07T00:46:00.000-08:002011-07-26T02:39:45.475-07:00One young woman, changedMarch 8 is <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Women's_Day">International Women's Day</a>. <br />
<br />
In preparation, the reporters of the African Woman and Child Feature Service have been traveling around the country, gathering women's stories about the post-election violence.<br />
<br />
I went to Eldoret, a community that was briefly in the international spotlight after dozens of people were killed in a church where they were taking shelter from post-election violence.<br />
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I talked with women who are living in camps for displaced people, Kalenjin women who are married to Kikuyu men, people who are left without jobs because their Kikuyu employers have fled.<br />
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All of the stories are moving. However, for those of us living here, none of them are particularly new.<br />
<br />
The tale of Mercy Moses surprised me, though. She's a 21-year-old woman from a middle class Kalenjin family. Nothing particularly terrible has happened to her directly. Nonetheless, the way she thinks about her safety and her future has changed significantly...<br />
<br />
<br />
<a href="http://commonco.typepad.com/.shared/image.html?/photos/uncategorized/2008/03/05/mercy_4_web.jpg"><strong><em><img alt="Mercy_4_web" border="0" height="266" src="http://commonco.typepad.com/8months/images/2008/03/05/mercy_4_web.jpg" style="float: left; margin: 0px 5px 5px 0px;" title="Mercy_4_web" width="200" /></em></strong></a><strong><em>Mercy Moses is wandering the dusty roads</em></strong> of an estate on the edges of Eldoret. She's fashionably dressed in a skirt, blouse, and long white scarf. She greets friends in the road. Most are people who she's known for most of her 21 years.<br />
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As she walks through her neighborhood, she points out houses that were abandoned during the post-election violence. She gestures toward hills that are scorched black by the fires that razed Kikuyu shambas to the ground.<br />
<br />
She says the chaos at home began on December 30.<br />
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"After the [election] results were announced, everything went haywire. I knew things were bad when I saw a group of youths - at least 800 - walking together. People had crude weapons: rungus, pangas. I saw police with guns and teargas canisters. I saw houses being burned."<br />
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Moses is Kalenjin. She says that at the end of that first day of violence in Eldoret, she called her friends one-by-one to see how they were. It was only then, scrolling through the list of names in her mobile phone, that she realized that her group of friends is a great mix of tribes.<br />
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"I never actually though about it," Moses says. "I am of the generation that was brought up to know that this is Mark, this is Nduati, this is Timothy, this is so and so. It never really hit me that, 'You're a Kikuyu, you're a Luo, you're a Kalenjin.' It's only until the chaos began that it hits you."<br />
<br />
At least seven of her lifelong friends have fled Eldoret. Moses says she's sure that one family will not return. The others are trying to sell their property and build new homes elsewhere.<br />
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Still, Moses says, the recent conflict hasn't changed the way she feels about her friends.<br />
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"These are people I call my lifelong friends. As much as they are no longer in town, they are still my friends. If anything happens, it is them that I lean on."<br />
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Moses is dating a young Kikuyu man. She says their relationship is still strong, despite the recent bloody revival of long-standing Kikuyu-Kalenjin land clashes. They don't talk about politics together, but Moses says they do pray for peace in Kenya.<br />
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While her friendships have not changed, Moses says her sense of safety at home has.<br />
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In late January a close friend of hers was raped at knife point. Moses says her friend thought she was boarding a taxi but ended up in the hands of two unknown men. Since then, Moses says she is much more careful about when she travels, and with whom.<br />
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"I think I am getting paranoid but maybe it's for the better," she says. "I can't board a private car right now. If I have to travel somewhere, I'd rather use public means. I don't travel past six. I travel only during the day."<br />
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She and her friends used to meet in town every afternoon during the holidays, for ice cream and movies and shopping. They would return home by eight or nine at night. Now, she says, they meet mid-morning so that everyone is home long before dark.<br />
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Not far from her family's home, Moses rounds a corner to find four young men walking toward her. She looks up at them and edges to the other side of the street.<br />
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"Seeing a group of men freaks me out," she says. "I see a group of young people and I think they are up to no good."<br />
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Moses is studying business and economics at a school in Nyanza. Their Christmas vacation has been extended to April because of the violence. While at home, Moses has been running a small business of her own, making mandazis and fried groundnuts for her family's shop. <br />
<br />
When she graduates, Moses says she would like to start a tourism business. There is not much tourism in Eldoret. Before the December election, Moses says she was willing to move out of her home area to a more tourism-rich area. The recent violence has made her question such a move.<br />
<br />
"I think I'll really consider where I settle later on in life," she says. "I'll have to consider how safe it is and the political climate and all. I wouldn't have thought of that before."<br />
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She says she never imagined she would see so much violence in Eldoret, or in Kenya. Although she voted in December, she says she does not plan to vote in 2012. Moses believes in democracy but, right now, she's skeptical about the potential for a fair democratic process in Kenya.<br />
<br />
She says Kenyans need to come clean about the violence that has wracked this country over the past ten weeks. People who have wronged one another need to sit together and explain their actions. Only then will people be able to move forward as one nation. <br />
<br />
"I want to be in a land where people live where they want to live, without the insecurity of the five-year deal. Right now, people are thinking, things will cool and after five years [during the next elections] it will be the same story. I am hoping for a Kenya that will have peace. Not just peace for the moment, but<i> Peace</i> peace."Sara Nicshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15754607646191815673noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3085949644865379926.post-57364609450558162812008-03-05T22:27:00.000-08:002011-07-26T02:43:20.897-07:00Power-sharing and quietI apologize for being so quiet in the midst of power-sharing deals, last minute emergency negotiators, regional conflict flare-ups and international acclaim.<br />
<br />
Kenya's come a long way over the past week. After power-sharing negotiations broke down last week, Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete came in to talk with the leaders. Kikwete is chair of the African Union. He is also reportedly close to the U.S. administration.<br />
<br />
There is some speculation that he may have carried in a more stern warning from the United States, as government and opposition teams threatened to leave the talks. The two groups had agreed to the idea of a Prime Minister's post, to be held by Raila. They just couldn't decide what powers that post would have.<br />
<br />
There are many details still to be ironed out but last Thursday, with Annan and Kikwete at their backs, the two leaders signed an agreement.<br />
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Then Annan, who reportedly said he felt like "a prisoner of peace", left Kenya after 41 days of holding the country together.<br />
<br />
What does this deal mean on the ground in Kenya?<br />
<br />
I notice that many people, when they talk about the deal, initially call it a "peace deal" and then correct themselves by calling it "power-sharing." People seem relieved that there is some kind of agreement. But they know an agreement is not a guarantee of peace in the long- or short-term.<br />
<br />
There are differing opinions as to whether the deal will hold. There is a long history of broken promises in Kenya's political history, particularly between Kibaki and Raila. There is also concern that the 2012 elections will bring a new round of political violence.<br />
<br />
<a href="http://commonco.typepad.com/.shared/image.html?/photos/uncategorized/2008/03/05/ask_camp_4_web.jpg" onclick="window.open(this.href, '_blank', 'width=600,height=720,scrollbars=no,resizable=no,toolbar=no,directories=no,location=no,menubar=no,status=no,left=0,top=0'); return false"><img alt="Ask_camp_4_web" border="0" height="120" src="http://commonco.typepad.com/8months/images/2008/03/05/ask_camp_4_web.jpg" style="float: left; margin: 0px 5px 5px 0px;" title="Ask_camp_4_web" width="100" /></a> When I was in Eldoret earlier this week, the mood was generally quiet. Food prices are still high. The hills around town are scorched from where small farms and estates were burned. There are still 15,000 Kikuyu and Kisii people camped at the Agricultural Society of Kenya's showground.<br />
<br />
But for now, at least, tensions seem to have eased. <br />
<br />
The great sign of an attempt to return to normalcy in Nairobi came, for me, on the cab ride back from the airport. <br />
<br />
Navigating the endless traffic around downtown, my cab driver cut through Uhuru Park. For more than two months that symbol of independence was off-limits. As we cut past the podium and the couples sitting under shade trees, Lucas told me that the armed General Service Unit members were sent back to their barracks shortly after the deal was signed.<br />
<br />
<a href="http://commonco.typepad.com/.shared/image.html?/photos/uncategorized/2008/03/05/tore_the_line.jpg" onclick="window.open(this.href, '_blank', 'width=600,height=737,scrollbars=no,resizable=no,toolbar=no,directories=no,location=no,menubar=no,status=no,left=0,top=0'); return false"><img alt="Tore_the_line" border="0" height="122" src="http://commonco.typepad.com/8months/images/2008/03/05/tore_the_line.jpg" style="float: left; margin: 0px 5px 5px 0px;" title="Tore_the_line" width="100" /></a> There is still a lot to be done. The consitution needs reform. <a href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/7280520.stm">Parliament opens today to consider a couple of bills</a> that would usher in the National Accord and Reconciliation Act. Despite unfortunate newspaper typos, the members of parliament say they will "tow the line" to help usher in a new era in Kenyan politics.<br />
<br />
Going forward, 8 Months will continue to bring you analysis, updates, various points of view and the voices of people who have been (and continue to be) affected by the post-election violence.Sara Nicshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15754607646191815673noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3085949644865379926.post-76170449112861066692008-02-29T00:00:00.000-08:002010-11-24T02:20:47.247-08:00Voices: shattered by a bulletJudy Waguma of <a href="http://www.blogger.com/African%20Woman%20and%20Child%20Feature%20Service">African Woman and Child Feature Service</a> went into some of the roughest and poorest areas of Kibera last week. She brought back this story of a woman who was shot by a stray bullet during the post-election violence.<br />
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<strong>Shattered by a bullet</strong><br />
<br />
The road leading to Mashimoni village in Kibera is long and rough. Sewers stream like small rivers under handmade wooden bridges.<br />
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Pamela Aoko Ndhiwa has lived here for the last three years. She seems oblivious to the the sewage just inches from her plastic sandals as she crosses the small bridges leading to her house.<br />
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Ndhiwa walks slowly along the winding route home. She passes dark bars where, at mid-morning, men are deep in discussion over a local brew called busaa. Children are playing in the footpaths. Women are washing clothes, cleaning houses and plaiting one another's hair.<br />
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Ndhiwa does not talk much. Her hands are shoved into the pockets of her grey sweater. Every few meters, she stops to catch her breath.<br />
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Her home is one of several mud houses facing each other across a hard-packed footpath. Ndhiwa and her three children live in this single-room mud house. There is one bed, three stools and a small area for cooking.<br />
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Ndhiwa has been married and separated. Two of the children she is raising are her own. The third was orphaned when Ndhiwa's brother died.<br />
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Ndhiwa says all three of her siblings have died. She says she does not know whether they died of HIV/AIDS or its related infections. At the age of 21, she is the only person left to take care of her family. <br />
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"Despite everything, I have managed to look after my children and family well and take the kids to school," she says. <br />
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Ndhiwa was born and raised in Homabay. She says when she was a child she wanted to be a nurse but dropped out of school in standard eight. Her parents could not afford to pay her secondary fee education.<br />
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"I met my husband almost at the same time I dropped out of school. We then got married and he brought me to leave with him in Nairobi where he worked as a mechanic," she says.<br />
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She conceived her last child after being married for two years. Ndhiwa says after her youngest child was born, both she and the baby got sick.<br />
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"My baby would get sick frequently, but I brushed it off as a common ailment for babies and that she we will get better," says Ndhiwa.<br />
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She says that her husband was involved with a woman whose health she questioned. When Ndhiwa's illness persisted, she decided to get testes for HIV/AIDS.<br />
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"The results came positive," she says. "I could not believe it. I went home and pretended that things were fine. My CD4 count was 200 at the time."<br />
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That count measures immune system activity. A low CD4 count indicates a depressed immune system. Ndhiwa says she ignored the test results until her health worsened. Then she went back to Medecins Sans Frontiers, a medical aid agency in Kibera, where her HIV-positive status was again confirmed.<br />
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"My CD4 count had then dropped to 90 and they had to put me on [anti retroviral drugs]," she says.<br />
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After counseling and nutrition training from Medecins Sans Frontiers she says was able to come to terms with her status. She resolved to try to live a long and healthy life so that she could care for her children.<br />
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During this time, she says, her husband disappeared. She has not seen or heard from him since.<br />
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In her determination to make things work, Ndhiwa started a small shop where she sells various drugs. She also sells fingerlings on the side to support her family. She says business was going well until the post-election violence erupted. Her small shop was looted and claimed by rowdy youths in Kibera.<br />
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Facing the loss of her livelihood, Ndhiwa's life was endangered on the 31st of January, when a stray bullet hit her left breast.<br />
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"I must admit that God loves me, because the bullet missed hitting my baby's head by a whisker, as I was holding her in my arms," she says.<br />
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The shot came at about eight o'clock in the morning when, she says, "I was seated in the house holding my baby in the arms thinking of what I would do for the children this new year."<br />
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Ndhiwa could hear fighting and gunshots outside her house. She was cuddling the one-year old baby when suddenly she felt something hit her hard. The next thing she remembers she was lying on the floor.<br />
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"I had no clue what it was. But I saw blood oozing out of my chest. I got more frightened when I heard people rushing to my house and making a lot of noise. On seeing me lying on the floor they started screaming that I had been shot."<br />
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Ndhiwa says she lay on her floor for close to 30 minutes. Her neighbors called for police to take her to the hospital.<br />
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She says that when they got to Kenyatta hospital at around nine in the morning, she waited for hours in the casualty department before being attended to. <br />
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"I was in so much pain. I sat there from nine in the morning to midnight, when a nurse sympathized with me and took me to the ward."<br />
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For three days, Ndhiwa stayed at the hospital without treatment.<br />
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"No doctors were attending to me," she says.<br />
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She says that there was serious discrimination in the hospital because she is Luo.<br />
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"I could hear some nurses saying that I was shot when I had gone to collect stones for my husband," she says.<br />
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Lady Luck shone on Ndhiwa when a doctor sympathized with her and looked at her case. <br />
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"He wondered why I still had the bullet lodged in my body," she says.<br />
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There were many patients at the hospital, Ndhiwa says. She was told that she could not go to an operating theatre since it was busy. The doctor took her to a different ward and covered her eyes with a piece of cloth. He gave her an injection and removed the bullet without general anesthetic.<br />
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Tears roll down her cheeks as Ndhiwa remembers the surgery. During the procedure she removed the cloth from her eyes. She winces as she talks about the agony she went through.<br />
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"I was in so much pain. It was unbearable, I could not even scream," she says. "I cried slowly, biting hard on my lips. He gave me more injections several times and continued to remove the bullet until it was fully out. All this time I could see everything he was doing."<br />
<br />
The bullet was successfully removed. The hospital bill was ksh 6035. Ndhiwa says she could not afford to pay since she had lost her business.<br />
<br />
Ndhiwa and the doctors agreed that she would pay installments of ksh 500 until her debt is paid off. But still, she has not fully recovered from the wound and the surgery. <br />
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"My health is not good. Now with the bullet wound, I cannot work as hard as I used to. I get weak all the time."<br />
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From being a strong and hard working woman, Ndhiwa is now forced to beg for food. She is relying on her neighbors to take care of her children.<br />
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Despite her struggles, Ndhiwa considers it a blessings to be alive. She knows she could easily have become one of the 1000 or more Kenyans who have been killed since Kenya's disputed presidential election. -Judy WagumaSara Nicshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15754607646191815673noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3085949644865379926.post-555464993807816842008-02-26T00:23:00.000-08:002011-07-26T02:44:50.493-07:00Interfaith women for peaceBefore the elections, I spent a day with a group of women from Kibera who are working toward peace in the slum.<br />
<br />
The article about Interfaith Women for Peace and Development was just published in <a href="http://www.dfait-maeci.gc.ca/cfsi-icse/cil-cai//magazine/magazine-en.asp?txt=1-4&lv=1">the latest edition of Intercultures Magazine</a>.<br />
<br />
It's poignant to read the story from the other side of post-election turmoil. But Mama Hamza's message still rings true...<br />
<br />
<em>Women need peace. Their children need peace. Who is going to give a woman peace? Who will give a woman power? It is you, yourself, and your sisters.</em>Sara Nicshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15754607646191815673noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3085949644865379926.post-87004002630347568912008-02-25T05:01:00.000-08:002011-07-26T02:49:43.249-07:00Voices: living with HIV during conflict part IIMediation talks are still going on here. It seems that the government and the opposition have agreed to create a Prime Ministerial post. How they will adjust the consitution to make that possible is not yet clear.<br />
<br />
Fighting is still going on as well. A friend called from Kakamega last week to tell me the town was on fire again. There was no mention of it in the local press the next day. Local press give the ongoing violence only selective and marginal coverage. International press give no coverage to these flare-ups. <br />
<br />
There are also growing threats of new widespread violence, as some people grow impatient with the pace of the mediation process. There are rumors that both government and opposition supporters are gearing up for more fighting.<br />
<br />
There are Mayoral elections across Kenya today. The city councillors are the only people who cast ballots in that process. Kenyan colleagues say the results are unlikely to create any new unrest.<br />
<br />
In the meantime, the <a href="http://www.awcfs.org/">African Woman and Child Feature Service</a> staff is busy gathering voices of women and children who have been affected by the conflict. Here are more interviews that Joyce Chimbi did with HIV-positive women who have been displaced by the violence.<br />
<br />
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;"><strong>Ann Wairimu</strong></div><br />
Before the post-election violence, Ann Wairimu took for granted her easy access to anti-retroviral drugs.<br />
<br />
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">On the 4th of January, Ann fled her house in Gatwekera, Kibera with no medication to keep her condition in check. She says nothing could have prepared her for how quickly her health has deteriorated. <br />
<br />
"I don't know exactly when I contracted the HIV virus, but you know the kind of life we lead in the slum. Everyday is a struggle, trying to make a living in whichever way we can.</div><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman';"></span><br />
<br />
I have been on Septrin for some time and every day I have grown stronger. The usual opportunistic infections have been there but I have faced them with courage.<br />
<br />
Since I fled my house, I haven't been able to eat well. With uncertain food provision, your health can't withstand the blow.<br />
<br />
I have been experiencing frequent bouts of brief blackouts. I have been having a running stomach. The chest pains are unbearable and so are the constant headaches. <br />
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The sores around my mouth are too painful and even when there is food, it a task putting it in my mouth.<br />
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I still take my medication as is required but am beginning to have second thoughts. <br />
<br />
Why should I worry about my health when my life is falling apart? Do I have a future in a country where I'm among thousands of internally displaced Kenyans? <br />
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As Kenyans continue to devour each other, I have lost all hope of redeeming myself. When you are HIV positive, this kind of constant worry counteracts all the gains made.<br />
<br />
I haven't seen my husband since chaos erupted, and now my five children are looking at me as the symbol of hope.<br />
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Life for me has taken a very unfortunate turn. Before the results were announced, I used to cater for my household with the little money I made at my stall.<br />
<br />
Now I can't even be a source of hope for myself and most importantly, my children, in these very trying times." <br />
<br />
Wairimu says is now only hoping for is peace, and for people to embrace brotherhood.<br />
<br />
<strong>Jane Nyamboka</strong><br />
<br />
Lying on the grass, her eyes welling up with unshed tears, Jane Nyamboka relives her life as a HIV-positive mother of three and as a displaced person in her own country.<br />
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Her fairly bearable life in Kibera was harshly disrupted on the 2nd of January, by an outbreak of violence in Kibera slums, where she has been living for the last six years.<br />
<br />
The sorrow and desperation she feels is evident in her sunken eyes. As she talks about her experience, she is forced to pause as her chest heaves with a persistent cough.<br />
<br />
"It is difficult to reconcile what my life was with what it has come to be.<br />
<br />
When I tested HIV-positive in 2002, I knew it would only be a matter of days before I died. I started squandering the little money I had set aside for my business.<br />
<br />
Why save money when my days on earth were to end soon? But the days passed, and the months, and now about five years later, I'm still alive and kicking.<br />
<br />
After life handed me one of the most feared conditions, I realized that I didn't have to catalyze my death.<br />
<br />
I started stocking up my hardware shop and taking my anti-retroviral drugs as was advised at Kenyatta Hospital, where I still check in.<br />
<br />
My three children have been accessing quality education but all that has changed now. Since I fled my house, my health has nosedived.<br />
<br />
I forgot my drugs in the house. With all the chaos and terror, it was the last thing on my mind. <br />
<br />
For about three days, I didn't take any medication. Luckily, the International Medical Corps was very swift. They supplied us with the drugs we needed.<br />
<br />
Normally, I take the medication twice a day. This is normally coupled with frequent eating so that I can be strong enough for the drugs.<br />
<br />
In addition, I have to eat quality food. The uncertain quality of food provision at the camp has meted a hard blow on my health.<br />
<br />
My skin is now covered by a very painful rash. Around my chest, there are tiny blisters which have made my life a nightmare. The persistent cough is now driving me to the edge.<br />
<br />
This, I feel, will catalyze my situation from being HIV positive to having full-blown AIDS."<br />
<br />
For Nyamboka and many other women in her condition, only peace would reassure them that life will go back to normal.<br />
<br />
<strong>Hannah Wambui</strong><br />
<br />
Hannah Wambui goes into deep thought as she wonders where she will go when she leaves the Jamhuri grounds. She has sought refuge here for a month since the post-election violence erupted.<br />
<br />
Wambui is 40 years old. She is a single mother of two children, who are both in their upper primary school. She also cares for three orphans whose parents succumbed to HIV/AIDS. With her dependants sitting around her, she ponders what life holds in store for all of them.<br />
<br />
Everything that she owned was stolen and her house burnt to ashes in the Kianda village of Kibera during the violence. Like many other victims of the chaos that followed the December 2007 elections, Wambui saw her life change in a few moments.<br />
<br />
"I have nowhere to go to since I virtually lost everything that I ever owned in my life," Wambui says.<br />
<br />
On top of homelessness and poverty, Wambui is also managing and HIV/AIDS infection. She was diagnosed in 2003 and has been taking anti-retroviral drugs. She says the stress and disruptions of early 2008 have taken a toll on her health. She is emaciated and says she has developed several chest complications due to sleeping in the cold at the Jamhuri fairgrounds.<br />
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For over 15 years, Wambui and her family survived on rental income from a property she inherited from her mother. Wambui also owned a small shop where she sold dried grains.<br />
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Wambui says, although she has been ill on several occasions due to opportunistic infections, she always continued working to earn enough money to take care of herself and her children. <br />
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She confesses that what is now killing her is not the fact that she is HIV positive, but stress from the worry over what the future holds for her family. <br />
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"Even if I take [anti-retroviral drugs], I am not able to take piece my life together and I am really worried about my children's future," says Wambui.<br />
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So far, her children have not returned to school for the new semester. Wambui says although schools have opened, they lack the basic supplies.<br />
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Although, she receives medicines from the International Medical Corps, Wambui says the challenge has been getting a decent meal to support the drugs. <br />
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She wonders at how she has been reduced to being a burden to the community, while she was used to caring for herself. <br />
<br />
Wambui says she separated with her husband about six years ago because her husband was irresponsible. The only close relative is her sister who lives in the outskirts of Nairobi. Wambui says staying with her sister would only be a temporary solution, as her sister struggles daily to meet her own family's needs<br />
<br />
With tearful eyes, Wambui says she hopes that calm will be restored, but she would be happier if even she had a roof over her head and capital to start any kind of business.Sara Nicshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15754607646191815673noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3085949644865379926.post-59968878327282826402008-02-22T04:02:00.000-08:002011-07-26T02:51:10.987-07:00New report reviews post-election violence, looks aheadIf you are looking for a comprehensive overview of some of the worst that has happened in Kenya since the December 27th elections, the Oscar Foundation has released a report today that might interest you.<br />
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<strong><span style="color: #ff3333;">WARNING: There are some graphic images and stories in this report.</span></strong><br />
<a href="http://commonco.typepad.com/8months/files/ethnicity_failed_democracy.pdf">Download ethnicity_failed_democracy.pdf</a><br />
<br />
The foundation runs free legal aid clinics here. Their paralegals have been gathering stories and documentation of some of the worst violence of the past two months.<br />
<br />
The report's particular focus is on the failures of the government and police force to maintain the peace in Kenya. It also gives some good background on localized violence. The foundation details the planning that went into some of the attacks and opines on what is needed to prevent more violence in Kenya in the short and long term.Sara Nicshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15754607646191815673noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3085949644865379926.post-14190340948596316102008-02-20T20:03:00.000-08:002010-11-24T02:22:02.701-08:008 Months multimedia: displaced business peopleAt the Marketplace website, you can hear a story that I produced about Kenyan <a href="http://marketplace.publicradio.org/display/web/2008/02/20/kenya_business/">business people displaced by the post-election violence</a>.Sara Nicshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15754607646191815673noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3085949644865379926.post-64306595614861453542008-02-19T22:41:00.000-08:002011-07-26T02:53:10.925-07:00Voices: living with HIV during conflictBeing poor and HIV-positive is not easy on a good day. <br />
<br />
Approximately 50 percent of the residents of Kibera have HIV/AIDS. Many of them get regular supplies of antiretroviral drugs from medical aid groups, but they struggle to get adequate nutrition to support their immune systems.<br />
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When the protests and violence swept Kibera after the December election, many people were left without homes, work or access to their regular medicines. The health of many people with HIV deteriorated because of the stress, and poor shelter and nutrition.<br />
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As part of the <a href="http://awcfs.org/">African Woman and Child Feature Service</a>'s Voices project, Joyce Chimbi visited HIV-positive women who have been displaced from Kibera. Here are the stories of Rose Gakii and Grace Oloo.<br />
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<strong>Rose Gakii</strong><br />
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Rose Gakii has gone through a whirlwind of emotions since 2003, when she was diagnosed with HIV/AIDS. She has gone from denial to withdrawal and even attempting suicide.<br />
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With counseling, Gakii says she overcame the crippling desperation she felt after testing positive for the dreaded virus. With renewed outlook towards life she has worked hard enough to feed her seven children. <br />
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Her life crumbled again on January third, when violence erupted across Kenya. Since then, her once tranquil days in Kibera's Makina village have become a nightmare.<br />
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<i>I envy the dead, when you die; you go to a better place, a place of rest. </i><br />
<i><br />
</i><br />
<i>These tears that are streaming down my face are those of bitterness. I am 44 years old, a poor woman who has not stolen even a single cent from anyone. But look at me now. I have become a refugee in my own country.</i><br />
<i><br />
</i><br />
<i>I have been at Jamhuri Park for the last one week.</i><br />
<i><br />
</i><br />
<i>I tested positive </i>[for HIV/AIDS]<i> in 2003. My husband has been dead for the last five years. I am the sole breadwinner.</i><br />
<i><br />
</i><br />
<i>I have seven children; three of them orphans. My stall has enabled me to pay my rent, which is Ksh 600 per month </i>[abou 10 USD]<i> and to put food on the table. But everything was destroyed in the fire </i>[following the election results of 2007]<i>.</i><br />
<i><br />
</i><br />
<i>My 16 year old boy is in Kabete prison. He was arrested on the 16th of January. I'm his mother and I know that my boy is innocent. They said that he was among the youths who stole and slaughtered a cow.</i><br />
<i><br />
</i><br />
<i>The constant worry and the overbearing nervous tension is driving me to the edge, I feel like I'm running mad. You can imagine what this is doing to my health.</i><br />
<i><br />
</i><br />
<i>I feel as if my head is a well of tears. Tears and my children are the only things I have left.</i><br />
<i><br />
</i><br />
For the mother of seven, although life will never be the same again, she says if peace was restored the sense of security would be an impetus toward rebuilding her life.<br />
<br />
<strong>Grace Oloo</strong><br />
<i><br />
</i><br />
Grace Oloo's life had taken a predictable but comfortable path since she tested positive for HIV/AIDS almost four years ago.<br />
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Every morning, she would wake up with the cock crow, see her children off to school, tidy her house, and open her business in the Soweto village of the Kibera slums.<br />
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Like most people, Oloo says she had never imagined Kenya sinking into chaos. As fresh incidences of violence flare up across the country, she says her personal turmoil escalates. <br />
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<i>Everything I have worked hard for has been reduced to ashes. Having triumphed against great odds to get this far, the sorrow within me is overwhelming.</i><br />
<i><br />
</i><br />
<i>In March of 2003, I had been bedridden for quite sometime. I was suffering from Tuberculosis and despite treatment, doctors said I wasn't making progress. They tested me for HIV, which confirmed their suspicions. I was HIV positive. At only 33 years, my world fell apart.</i><br />
<i><br />
</i><br />
<i>But with four children of my own and a grandchild, I had to soldier on. My husband, also positive, resorted to taking cheap brew. As the sole breadwinner, I began selling fish.</i><br />
<i><br />
</i><br />
<i>It was a very humble beginning but I have expanded the business over the years. I have been able to look after my children. My 18 year old daughter and my orphaned niece are also HIV positive. </i><br />
<i><br />
</i><br />
<i>After the general elections results were announced, Kibera was transformed into a madhouse. I live in Soweto, which was terribly torn apart. </i><br />
<i><br />
</i><br />
<i>My children and I fled on the third of January. It was the worst experience I have ever had. Even though I didn't leave my antiretroviral drugs behind, without a warm place and quality food, I knew my health was in jeopardy.</i><br />
<i><br />
</i><br />
<i>I wasn't really as worried for myself as I was for my one-and-a-half year old niece. Besides being HIV positive, she suffers from pneumonia and asthma. I had this cold fear deep within me that it was only a matter of time before she died. </i><br />
<i><br />
</i><br />
<i>For the two nights she spent at Jamhuri Park, I stayed up all night frantically trying to warm her shriveled body. The sores on her body were getting worse and she was too weak.</i><br />
<i><br />
</i><br />
<i>Her sunken eyes would stare at me for most of the night, the cold being too much for her to sleep for long periods. Her health has deteriorated to alarming levels. </i><br />
<i><br />
</i><br />
<i>I am not any different from her, I have been experiencing constant headaches. The three nights I spent at the park have put my health between a rock and a hard place.</i><br />
<i><br />
</i><br />
<i>During the destructions, I lost fish that was worth about Ksh 25,000 without profit [about 400 USD]. I take my orders from Tanzania and I have been making good progress. </i><br />
<i><br />
</i><br />
<i>At the moment, I feel like I'm just about to write the last chapters of my life. The devastating desperation I feel erases any traces of all the dreams I once had.</i><br />
<br />
Oloo says with some investment capital, she would be ready to start afresh.Sara Nicshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15754607646191815673noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3085949644865379926.post-88005262215324407092008-02-19T04:27:00.000-08:002010-11-24T02:39:29.296-08:00Voices of women and children: launching a new projectIt's the same story every time. Women, children and people living in poverty are the most affected by violence and unrest. <br />
<br />
But each woman and every child has their own story to tell about the confict in Kenya. <br />
<br />
<br />
There are stories of fleeing hometowns because people with certain last names were suddenly not welcome. There are stories of struggling to find food, clean water and medicine. There are stories of lost husbands, fathers, children. There are stories of rape, riot and murder. And there are stories of hope, of brotherhood in the face of ethnic violence. <br />
<br />
The <a href="http://awcfs.org/">African Woman and Child Feature Service</a> is launching a project to help women and children tell the stories of how they are affected by the post-election violence. <a href="http://www.urgentactionfund.org/new_site/index.php?id=92">The Urgent Action Fund</a> is supporting the project. Over the next couple of months, the reporting and editorial staff will be gathering these stories. We will be distributing them to media around the region and I will be posting some of them here.<br />
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Here is the first Voices posting. It was written by Joyce Chimbi, a program officer and junior reporter at AWCFS.<br />
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<strong>Double jeoprdy for refugees in Kenya </strong><br />
<br />
When Hamida Sheikh fled Ethiopia in 2002 and took refuge in Kenya, she hoped that her life would take a turn for the better.<br />
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In her home country, Sheikh was associated with an anti-government rebel group. She says that endangered her life, and the lives of her five children. She had to take some drastic measures.<br />
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"My husband was arrested for allegedly supporting a rebel group. Life became very hard. Without him for protection, I knew it was only a matter of time before I was killed," she says.<br />
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Her husband is still in detention back in Ethiopia, and it has been a long time since they saw one another. Her youngest child is a constant reminder of the humiliation and assault she endured at the end of her time in Ethiopia. It's a child born out of rape.<br />
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Hamida is one of the estimated 310 refugees who have been camping at Nairobi's Jamhuri Park. She is caught up in a struggle that she does not even comprehend. <br />
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The hardship these refugees are now facing, in a foreign country torn by conflict is not unique. In search of safety, many refugees have sought asylum in countries that are themselves ablaze with conflict.<br />
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When violence erupted in Kenya following the December elections, people seeking asylum in Kenya were not spared the disruption in many parts of the country.<br />
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"Although we have no political affiliations, when the supporters of the two main political protagonists crashed, we were caught in the middle," Sheikh says.<br />
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She says people in her community did not initially feel threatened because, as foreigners, they were neutral, as far as tribal identities were concerned. In the end, she says, that was not enough for them to avoid the chaos that has pervaded the country.<br />
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Hamida says that she knew it was time to seek protection at the displaced persons' camp when leaflets were dropped at night, ordering the refugees to vacate their houses or face dire consequences.<br />
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Having been at the camp for about three weeks, most of the Ethiopians sit in groups smoking tobacco and chewing miraa, as they contemplate a way out of their predicament.<br />
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"This is called shisha," says 25-year-old Kadio Wako, gesturing to tall, colorful pipe. "It's a form of tobacco from Egypt .It has helped us to remain sane because it stimulates our nerves, keeping away stress."<br />
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He says they have had tobacco throughout conflict, because they bought plenty of it in Garissa, before the violence erupted.<br />
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Wako was studying law in Ethiopia when the political situation there became too volatile in 2003 and he decided to flee the country. The fact that his father was actively involved in politics and had been a Minister of Finance, put him in a very dangerous position.<br />
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"I'm Oromo, the majority ethnic group which in Ethiopia. That automatically qualifies you as a rebel against TPLF [Tigray People's Liberation Front] government," Wako says.<br />
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Wako's experience of strife and flight in Ethiopia is unfortunately being repeated in Kenya. He says that having to live through it again is tragic. Wako emphasizes that most of the refugees cannot go back to their countries, because the situations that instigated their exile have not improved.<br />
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"The TPLF government is still in power, and I'm still an Oromo. It would simply mean going back to where all this begun," Wako says. <br />
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His sentiments are echoed by Radia Hassan, who has been living in Kenya since 1999.<br />
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"The thought of returning to my country paralyzes me with fear," she says, as she pauses to blow smoke between her teeth.<br />
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"In Ethiopia, I was threatened, humiliated and abused," she says. "Under [the United Nations High Commission for Refugees], I was recognized as a refugee and registered right here in Kenya."<br />
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Hassan left her five children in Ethiopia. She settled in Kenya in the hope that she could rebuild her life and have her children join her.<br />
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Even though life in Kenya has been difficult owing to what she terms "hard economic times," Hassan has been grateful to be free to live her life.<br />
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"It's hell always watching your back, for fear that your enemies might make good their threat on your life."<br />
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Radia also says that it has been quite nerve wrecking living at Jamhuri Park. The constant sounds of gun shots in the near by Kibera slum has been a nightmare.<br />
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Although those staying at the camp have been assured of security, most of the nights they can hardly sleep for fear of being ambushed. The women seem to be the most affected by the conflict. Even at the camp, reported cases of rape are a constant reminder of their vulnerability.<br />
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"It is unfortunate that even with the situation as it is, sexual assault within the camp has persisted," says Doreen Bwisa, who is an administrator at the camp's medical clinic.<br />
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Most of these refugees have been in the country for many years. Some of the children running around were born in Kenya and have no memories of their parents' troubled past.<br />
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"I fled Sudan eight years ago," says Yong Sumi. "In Kenya, I have managed to rebuild my life but as things stand now, I feel like my future is hanging in the balance."<br />
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For these people now displaced in a country where they once found solace, their future is becoming more and more cloudy.<br />
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They say that they feel as if history is repeating itself. Their desperation is apparent and most of them feel neglected because, amidst the chaos, the particular needs of people in the refugee community seem not to be addressed.<br />
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Sumi says that since the government announced its plan to close the camp, he has worried every day about where he will go next.<br />
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"On Sunday the 27th , when most of the displaced Kenyans began leaving the camp in droves, we the foreigners huddled together in utter hopelessness," Sumi says<br />
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Standing next to him, Wako interjects, "Some of the displaced Kenyans have gone back to their houses, others are going to their rural homes, but where can we go?"<br />
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They feel that being a small group among the estimated 300,000 internally displaced people in Kenya has made it difficult for their plight to be addressed.<br />
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According to Margaret Wanyiri, the camp coordinator under the National Alliance of Churches, these are Sudanese, Rwandese and Ethiopian people currently staying at Jamhuri Park.<br />
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Wanyiri says the plight of the refugees is being addressed, and practical measures are being undertaken to relocate them to Kakuma refugee camp.<br />
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"We are actually hoping to have the exercise of relocating the refugees by Wednesday, 30th of January," Wanyiri says. <br />
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Kakuma camp, established about 12 years ago, is one of the world's largest and oldest refugee camps. Situated in the northern part of Kenya, the camp is home to an estimated 86,000 refugees from nine different countries.<br />
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Kakuma has seen frequent food shortages and incidences of sexual assault. That reputation does little to reassure the refugees at Jamhuri Park as they look at an uncertain future.<br />
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According to statistics by Church World Service, at the end of 2006 there were 2,932,000 refugees and asylum seekers in Africa. <br />
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Most refugees in Africa flee to neighboring countries. In the 2006 Church World Service statistics, Sudan produced the highest number of asylum seekers. Kenya hosted the second-highest number of refugees, Tanzania hosted the highest number.<br />
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In their report, the Church World Service said the statistics reaffirms the presence of conflict in many African societies, mostly due to ethnic intolerance. <br />
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"[The statistics] are symptomatic of the tragedy of the ethnic conflicts, social disintegration and political anarchy prevailing in some countries in Africa," the report says.<br />
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According to the United Nations High Commission for Refugee, people will only stop needing to flee their home countries when African political leaders embrace politics of inclusion. This would consequently create a solid base for responsible and accountable governance, which would in turn create room for a just and fair society.Sara Nicshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15754607646191815673noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3085949644865379926.post-24818631769555058932008-02-18T06:36:00.000-08:002011-07-26T03:02:02.489-07:00Coalitions, constitutions and Condoleeza<a href="http://commonco.typepad.com/.shared/image.html?/photos/uncategorized/2008/02/18/feb_17_nation_poll.jpg" onclick="window.open(this.href, '_blank', 'width=700,height=552,scrollbars=no,resizable=no,toolbar=no,directories=no,location=no,menubar=no,status=no,left=0,top=0'); return false"><img alt="Feb_17_nation_poll" border="0" height="236" src="http://commonco.typepad.com/8months/images/2008/02/18/feb_17_nation_poll.jpg" style="float: left; margin: 0px 5px 5px 0px;" title="Feb_17_nation_poll" width="299" /></a>Kenya seems to be heading toward a coalition government and a new constituion. <br />
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Representatives of the party in power and the opposition assemble again today to continue hashing out some kind of agreement about how to handle the political turmoil following last December's elections. Details of the talks are not public. Increasingly, however, the parties and Annan seem to be suggesting that they are working out a framework for a coalition government. <br />
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How such a government would function, how long it would be in power, when the next elections would be held: all of these questions are still up in the air.<br />
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On the ground, however, there does seem to be some public support for the idea. The international community is pushing it. In Benin this weekend, George Bush said there must be power-sharing. Ban Ki-Moon and other world leaders have issued similar statements. To reinforce the United State's point, Bush is sending Condoleeza Rice, the U.S. Secretary of State, to Kenya today.<br />
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So, on this Monday morning, as talks resume and Kenyans get ready to receive yet another high-profile international visitor, I went to the heart of Nairobi to gather some opinions on coalitions and Condoleeza.<br />
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<em>Peter - unemployed</em><br />
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For us, we want peace, and for our country to get back where it was. We need a coalition government because people are suffering right now. If [the fighting is] going to continue, the common man is going to suffer. I think a coalition can work. As long as these leaders will be apart from their selfishness, it will work.<br />
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Rice, I think it is good for her to come to Kenya. We need such people to come and bring peace into our country.<br />
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<em>Mary - aspiring journalist</em><br />
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I really don't think a coalition government is going to solve the problems in Kenyan right now, especially if it is supposed to be a coalition between Mwai Kibaki and Raila. I don't see it working. The two parties both believe that the seat should be theirs, the Presidency. When you have two people contesting over it strongly, as they are, I don't think it is going to work.<br />
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Either way, they are both selfish. Kibaki is not going to give Raila what he wants. Raila is not going to give Kibaki what he wants. If either side should take the Presidency, it's better for Kenya than a coalition. I really don't think it can work.<br />
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Condoleeza is just going to stamp what Bush's agenda is, that is a coalition government. At the end of the day, it stands with the Kenya people. What do they want? Are they going to go for Bush and Condoleeza's aspirations? I really don't think so. And I think it is an insult to the work that Kofi Annan has been doing here.<br />
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<em>Vivian - student</em><br />
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I think it will be a good idea so long as there is peace and everything resumes back to normal. When it comes to the coalition government, I wish both of them can agree on basic factors, not favoring either party.<br />
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My take on Condoleeza's visit in Kenya? I think it's a good thing, as long as it builds peace. She will come to support Annan.<br />
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<em>David - banker</em><br />
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[Whether a coaltion can work] remains to be seen. This is a fairly new concept as far as we are concerned. We have not had such a situation in the past, since independence.<br />
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About Rice, it shows the importance the American government is giving to the Kenyan crisis.<br />
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<em>Maureen - fashion designer</em><br />
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We are ready for [a coalition]. In fact, that is what we want. If they agree, they should [work together]. Those who stole our votes should agree, we work together as a team. And then maybe after two years, we go for new elections.<br />
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I'm sure that at least we will get a solution by the arrival in Kenya of Condoleeza Rice.<br />
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<em>Eunice - unemployed</em><br />
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A coalition might work but I am not so sure that it might happen. We are just waiting.<br />
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The visit will be important because it will help the government to know that we are being supported by a country like the United States.<br />
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<em>James - newspaper vendor</em><br />
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It should not work. Because even per our constitution, it does not work. If one has won an election, he has won an election. If one has been thrown in an election, he has been thrown in an election. If we form a coalition, there will be none who will accept a defeat. They will always be wanting to share the power. Even our constitution does not allow that.<br />
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Rice should come and calm down the situation. But we have no calamity in Kenya. I don't see how she can be useful.<br />
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<em>John - consultant</em><br />
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It's all a waste of time. If you rig elections, you have lost trust of everybody. The only way to recover that is to find a way that elections can be done. The person who wins fairly, leads the country.<br />
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Rice's visit might add value to what is going on.<br />
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<em>Judith - business person</em><br />
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According to me, the coalition government is not bad. The opposition side is saying they won the election, and the government is also insisting that they won the election. You see the way the country is having a lot of problems. So we think if they do coalition government and they work together, people will be happy. They will see the way forward. I think people should work together.<br />
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I think Condoleeza's visit is useful. We, as Kenyans, can't make this thing alone. This stress we have found, we can't solve it alone. If there are some people who can come from outside, they can help us because they are seeing what we are not seeing. If they come in between, they will help the two. They will tell them what will make them convinced to make that peace.<br />
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<em>Waweru - taxi driver</em><br />
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The coalition government won't make it. Raila is the one who brought multi-partyism. If you bring them into a coalition government, will there be any multi-partyism? There won't be. It would be better to remain with a single government. Then, if we elect ODM, then we shall have another government. We would rather wait. After the present President is over, Raila will take over.<br />
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Giving power to both presidents, they rule the country, that will come as if it is a single party system. We have the official opposition to be minding the current government. If there is any trouble, the opposition will raise oppositions. So at least the government will have a chance to be opposed. Then, after five years, we will give the opposition a chance to lead us.<br />
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Rice can help. Maybe she will talk to Raila and tell him to be patient. Five years is not a big deal.<br />
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<em>Peter - lawyer</em><br />
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The issue of a coalition government is still a problem. If you look back to the year of 2002, they had to sign a [memorandum of understanding] for the purpose of forming something like a coalition government. There were several parties coming together for the purpose of forming that government. But they did not even honor that MOU, What makes you think it will last this time around if they come with a coalition government. How long can it stay? Can it last? The issue of a coalition government right now, it might not work. <br />
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People need to go back to elections. Let people elect a popular President. We need an interim government that will see to issues like the amendment of the constitution, disbanding of the electoral commission of Kenya. Once that is done, we can go for elections in the next two years. I think this animosity will have subsided within the next two years.<br />
<br />
The coming of Condoleeza Rice is a good thing. People in Kenya, some of those ones who have taken power, are greedy people. They need some pressure from outside the country. Now they will see that the whole world is serious about the issues in Kenya. Now, if there are some issues in the negotiations, they can take them seriously.<br />
<br />
People in Kenya are used to doing things with impunity. I do hope that the coming of Condoleeza Rice from the U.S. will show them that things are serious in the country. If they are going into negotiations, they do it knowing that everyone is watching.<br />
<br />
-------------------<br />
<br />
Peter and James both bring up the tangled history of constitutional politics in Kenya. The current constitution dates back to independence. It concentrates power in the presidency and gives little room for opposition parties or members of parliament to impact policy.<br />
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Numerous attempts to ammend it have failed. Most notably, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kenyan_constitutional_referendum,_2005">a 2005 draft constitution</a> failed to get adequate support in a national referendum after the splintering of its supporters. But last week, staff from Annan's team said the government and the opposition had agreed to write a new constitution.<br />
<br />
Some Kenyans says, perhaps the greatest silver lining of this post-election conflict will be the push to finally enact a constituion that will enable true Kenyan democracySara Nicshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15754607646191815673noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3085949644865379926.post-7141327241186971182008-02-15T12:55:00.000-08:002010-11-24T02:56:34.764-08:00Reporting on conflict: a conversation with John KeatingJohn Keating is a veteran journalist and journalism trainer from Canada. He has worked with IMPACS, and the <a href="http://www.mediaanddemocracy.ca/">Media and Democracy Group</a>, training reporters in Cambodia, Afghanistan, Guyana, Brunei and Kyrgyzstan. <br />
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He spent the past three days leading a conflict sensitive journalism course for 25 reporters in Nairobi. His work was supported by <a href="http://www.i-m-s.dk/">International Media Support</a>.<br />
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<em>What are you finding that reporters are struggling with most, covering this conflict?</em><br />
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The thing that keeps coming up again and again is how, even if they write their stories in a balanced way, many of the editors will change them because there is a lot of corruption in the media here. People admit that pretty freely, even a few of the senior people are brave enough to say it. A lot of the media is owned directly or indirectly by politicians. They put pressure on, or pay off editors and owners to skew things to their point of view.<br />
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<em>How much of that frustration on the part of journalists is due to a concern for their own safety?</em><br />
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That does come up. They say they go out for something, a demonstration or something, and the people say, "oh, you are from the Kikuyu paper." That can make them feel unsafe or frustrated because they don't see themselves as [affiliated to one particular side]. There is also a lot of division in the newsroom now. People are telling me, "People who used to be my friends, they are from a different tribe, and we don't even talk any more..."<br />
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There's one guy up there who is one of the displaced persons who had to leave his town because he didn't feel it was safe any more. He was saying, "How do I write about this stuff when I am part of the story?"<br />
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<em>How do you define conflict sensitive journalism?</em><br />
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It's just a different way of looking at how you report conflicts such as the one here in Kenya. It means doing good basic journalism, not sensationalizing things, being accurate and fair and balanced but also not simply reporting what the two warring sides are saying. Report it from different points of view. If the economy is in trouble because of the conflict, you talk to business leaders. You go do stories about the family whose house was burned out by the riot, rather than only report on the riot. There's also another story there, a human story. <br />
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It's basically doing the solid journalism that we should be doing anyway. It also tends to teach people a rudimentary conflict theory: what causes conflict, how it is resolved, how does the media play a role in resolving it.<br />
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<em>Why, in particular, is it important to have fair and balanced domestic reporting in a situation like this?</em><br />
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Well, how are you going to solve any problem if you don't have any proper communication about it. Most of the violence in any conflict is about power and money, who's got it and who doesn't. But it is easily seen as an ethnic or religious divide. It creates a situation where you start thinking that, "The other side is the bad guys. The other side is the one I don't trust. I don't know very much about them but I know they are bad." You don't clear up those kinds of mis-perceptions until you have communication and you don't have communication if you don't have a decent media. Communication is the key to resolving any conflict.<br />
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<em>What can domestic reporters do that perhaps foreign press can't do?</em><br />
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Obviously they live here, they know the culture, they understand the situation better than outsiders. The majority of the media that people here consume is local media. A lot of those small villages, their only source of information, or at least the only one they listen to, is the FM station. So if you have a FM station that is whipping people up and encouraging people to spout hate propaganda against other groups, you are never going to resolve anything. <br />
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The fighting has died down now. Things are relatively calm as far as I can tell but the problem hasn't gone away. The problem doesn't go away unless you talk about it and the way you talk about it is through the media. <br />
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The media can frame the conflict in a certain way, if they are smart enough and good enough journalists to think about it, they don't have to just frame the conflict as one part against the other. They can frame the conflict as one group is disadvantage and another is not. They can explore the common ground that both sides share, which is where you are going to find the solution.<br />
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<em>What is your sense of how the issues are being covered by local press?</em><br />
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From the little bit I have seen, there has been a tendency to have this message of peace. They have suddenly become peace advocates rather than conflict sensitive journalists. It's almost like, "let's sweep it under the carpet and let's hold hands." In my view, that's not the answer either. <br />
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I will just give you an example. I picked up one of the papers this morning and looked at the front page. It was a story about how Sweden and Britain are trying to put pressure on them to settle the situation. But the lead was "A noose is about to be put around the necks of the people standing in the way of a peace settlement."<br />
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On the face of it, it sounds like a colorful lead. When you look at it more closely, it is still taking this position that there are bad guys and good guys and the bad guys are standing in the way and they won't be able to stand in the way much longer. They don't tell you who the good guys and the bad guys are, but if you read that newspaper and you live here, you know exactly who they are talking about.<br />
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That's exactly the kind of thing that I am trying to tell them: even something like that, that on the surface appears subtle or harmless or just overwritten, is in fact damaging to any attempt to get a settlement. It still divides.<br />
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<em>What are you advising reporters in terms of doing stories about the way forward, not just covering events?</em><br />
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That's another thing I have been saying over and over again. Maybe the leaders don't have the solution but there are other people out there who do. There are other people and other ideas. There are academics and diplomats. You could even write a story about how another country solved a similar problem in the past. You don't have to wait for the press release from the government and print it saying, "The only way forward is for the opposition to pull up the pins and leave."<br />
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It's just good basic journalism, really.<br />
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<em>If you were to paint a picture of the ideal composition of a newspaper in the middle of a conflict, what would you like the content of the newspaper to be?</em><br />
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First of all, I'd like it to have the news. That is one thing I kept reinforcing: don't hide it. The idea here is not to hide anything or sugarcoat it. We're journalists and what we are supposed to be doing is the news. And then I would like to see several points of view, not just the government and opposition. Several points of view from all levels, from the government level down to the person who has to stay with their relatives because their house was burned down. <br />
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I'd like to see articles about how similar crises were handled in other countries at other times; stories about the basic things that are wrong that have contributed to the situation, such as the institutionalized poverty here. There's no end of social issues that contribute in small and big ways to [the conflict]. I think somebody should be starting to point out the corruption and the problems.<br />
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<em>In this idea of sensitivity, is there ever a point where you pull back from being explicit?</em><br />
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This came up in the class. What I hope I got across is that, of course you should say the names of tribes if it is relevant to the story. If it's not part of the story, why put it in?<br />
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That's maybe harder to do in practice but to give a more practical example, you might say "Six people died in a riot," and not have the lead sentence be "Six Kikuyus were massacred by a crowd of outraged Luos" It'll come up a lot of times that it is part of the story. The bottom line is, this is journalism. If it news, put it in. If it is irrelevant to the story, why is it there in the first place?<br />
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<em>What positive role do you think first-person journalism can have in this kind of situation?</em><br />
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That also came up today. The guy I mentioned, who had to flee because he felt unsafe, when he finished telling me [about fleeing], I said "That's a great story. Did you write it?" And it turns out he did. As long as you can do it without turning it into revenge, as long as it is something that is dispassionate and tells the story. The less sensational you can make it, the less emotional you make it, the bigger impact it is going to have. If it's news, it's news, do it.<br />
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<em>What are the key points that you cover in terms of basic journalism skills?</em><br />
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It's just a review of the basics: accuracy, balance, fairness and responsible journalism. Avoid inflammatory language. Call people what they call themselves. And just be aware that you as a journalist, you are part of this. Everyone is getting their information from you and if you don't give them the right information or you give it in a way that favors one side over the other, the trouble is just going to keep going, because nobody is going to know what is going on.<br />
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[The conflict theory focuses on] the sources of conflict. The four main ones are ethnic differences, political differences, lack of resources and lack of power. In fact, if you look at almost any conflict it looks like one of the first two and it's almost always one of the second two.<br />
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<em>Have you found resistance to any of the ideas you are presenting?</em><br />
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No. It's surprising how talkative they are and how much they care about these issues. I think journalism here seems to be more sophisticated than most places I have been.<br />
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I think people really want to do something. I was at this roundtable on Tuesday and the very first guy is a big shot editor at [one of the papers], he gave a very passionate off-the-cuff speech about how the media had failed and about how he had failed. And how much shame it has brought to journalism. It was very moving, really. I was very surprised because he is a fairly senior editor, apparently. Everybody in the room sort of agreed with him. <br />
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There are still corrupt owners and there are still corrupt politicians who control much of the media and there are still corrupt editors. That is the biggest stumbling block: corruption. It's what is really going to make it difficult to change anything. But there is a will there among the day-to-day journalists and some of the senior people as well.<br />
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These are great people, really smart and engaged. They really want to change things for the better, if only their bosses will let them.Sara Nicshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15754607646191815673noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3085949644865379926.post-67100438003198100692008-02-05T06:55:00.000-08:002010-11-24T02:57:49.154-08:00Feet on the groundI am back in Nairobi now, getting my feet back under me for what I hope will be a long, fruitful journalistic journey.<br />
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I've published a new essay for an i<a href="http://www.e-ir.info/">nternational relations website out of Oxford University</a>. Since retuning, I have been writing indoors and not yet in the field much. <br />
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From what I've seen so far, the mood in Nairobi is calm. The corner food kiosks in my neighborhood are open again. The produce kibandas are heavy with fresh fruit and vegetables.<br />
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At the African Woman and Child Feature Service office, the staff is busy working on various projects to document and address the conflict that is ongoing in the country. There is talk of the peace and conflict training for journalists, a book of women and children's voices, media roundtables.<br />
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But the situation is not so optimistic in much of the country. There was fighting yesterday in Thika. A friend told me the story of a friend who sent his family from Nairobi into theoretical safety in Western Kenya, only to have his wife attacked this weekend.<br />
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Although there is less acute violence in Nairobi's slums, people are still struggling to find food and to return to work. The government has planned to close the camps for internally displaced people in Jamhuri Park and elsewhere. Some people have left on their own, looking for somewhere safe to resettle. Other people, among them refugees who have fled conflict in Ethiopia, Sudan and Somalia, are being shuttled around the country in search of safety.<br />
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The government is moving some people to refugee camps in Eastern and Northeastern Kenya. Thos areas already host a sizable population of people who have fled conflict in neighboring Somalia and Ethiopia. Although there has been comparatively little violence in those regions since the elections, residents say they are suffering from lack of food and funds.<br />
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The news from the Annan-led peace talks is vague. One BBC analyst suggested that Annan is intentionally starting slowly, getting the leaders used to agreeing before they face more contentious issues.<br />
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I had a long talk today with my colleague Wilson about whether or not the political question is still at the heart of this conflict. Some people had suggested that now the fighting is less about the presidency and more about revenging old and new grudges, about desperation and anger. But he said, no, the presidential race is still the crux of the matter.<br />
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When the midday news briefing came on at one o'clock today, the staff ran downstairs to watch news from the peace talks. There wasn't much to hear. <br />
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But people watch because, as Wilson says, Annan is the thread that is holding the country together right now. Echoing the sentiments from my last post, he says a friend on the street told him today, "When Annan leaves, then we will have real war."<br />
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At the end of a day-long meeting with business leaders today, Annan said, "This is not about individuals. Individuals may be ready to destroy themselves but we must not let them destroy Kenya."<br />
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Here's hoping that individual leaders and individuals on ground hear his message.Sara Nicshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15754607646191815673noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3085949644865379926.post-85996389351245420672008-01-31T10:38:00.000-08:002010-11-24T03:11:19.814-08:00Going home<a href="http://commonco.typepad.com/.shared/image.html?/photos/uncategorized/2008/01/31/longonot_2_4_web_2.jpg" onclick="window.open(this.href, '_blank', 'width=800,height=494,scrollbars=no,resizable=no,toolbar=no,directories=no,location=no,menubar=no,status=no,left=0,top=0'); return false"></a><a href="http://commonco.typepad.com/.shared/image.html?/photos/uncategorized/2008/01/31/longonot_2_4_web_3.jpg" onclick="window.open(this.href, '_blank', 'width=800,height=494,scrollbars=no,resizable=no,toolbar=no,directories=no,location=no,menubar=no,status=no,left=0,top=0'); return false"><img alt="Longonot_2_4_web_3" border="0" height="185" src="http://commonco.typepad.com/8months/images/2008/01/31/longonot_2_4_web_3.jpg" style="float: left; margin: 0px 5px 5px 0px;" title="Longonot_2_4_web_3" width="300" /></a> Somewhat rested, with more perspective and a little trepidation, I am preparing to return to Kenya this weekend.<br />
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It has been challenging to watch international media coverage of the conflict. Media houses broadcast an endless stream of images of towns aflame and men with panga wounds to the head. There is little transparency about the Annan-led negotiations between ODM and PNU. They give thin coverage of the human struggle of people living in poverty in rural and urban Kenya.<br />
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From friends in Kenya, I hear that the situation in Nairobi is relatively calm, but that there are flare-ups of violence in areas that have not seen much conflict to date.<br />
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Some people who have been sent out of the country by their employers have returned or are due back this weekend. Others who have been on the ground the entire time are talking about a new way of working, about armed guards on work and home compounds. <br />
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But there are some positives. My flatmate went to her Brazilian dance class downtown on Monday night. Journalist friends say domestic media are working together to try to cover the conflict without exacerbating the violence. People are doing what they can to move forward despite the sense of suspended animation. <br />
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Today I got this message from a Kenyan friend who is generally optimistic. I think it speaks volumes, so am sharing it with you.<br />
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<em>"The mediation process is ongoing but both sides are bogged down by their hard-line positions. Many of us are holding our breath because we know that an uneasy calm prevails only because Kofi Annan is still in Nairobi. The day he gives up and boards his plane home, all 34 to 40 million of us would want to be on the same ride out of Kenya."</em><br />
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When I return, my intention is to continue to focus less on news updates and more on personal stories and perspective. If there is something in particular you would like me to write about, please post a comment or send me an e-mail. <br />
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If you have any suggestion for media outlets that might want to pay me for my work, I would be glad for those suggestions as well!<br />
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<a href="http://commonco.typepad.com/.shared/image.html?/photos/uncategorized/2008/01/31/salcedo_shibboleth.gif" onclick="window.open(this.href, '_blank', 'width=442,height=234,scrollbars=no,resizable=no,toolbar=no,directories=no,location=no,menubar=no,status=no,left=0,top=0'); return false"></a><a href="http://commonco.typepad.com/.shared/image.html?/photos/uncategorized/2008/01/31/salcedo_shibboleth_2.gif" onclick="window.open(this.href, '_blank', 'width=442,height=234,scrollbars=no,resizable=no,toolbar=no,directories=no,location=no,menubar=no,status=no,left=0,top=0'); return false"><img alt="Salcedo_shibboleth_2" border="0" height="158" src="http://commonco.typepad.com/8months/images/2008/01/31/salcedo_shibboleth_2.gif" style="float: right; margin: 0px 0px 5px 5px;" title="Salcedo_shibboleth_2" width="300" /></a>Before I leave the UK, I have to keep a promise to a friend in Canada. I'm going to visit the <a href="http://www.tate.org.uk/modern/exhibitions/dorissalcedo/default.shtm">Tate Modern</a>. I'll see what's on the walls, but am more interested in <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shibboleth">Shibboleth</a>, an installation by Doris Salcebo. <br />
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It's a great crevasse down the floor of the Modern's giant installation space. It is intended to respond to "a long legacy of racism and colonialism that underlies the modern world."<br />
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Shibboleth will perhaps be a chance for new reflections on bridging the deepening divides in the nation bisected by the great Rift Valley.Sara Nicshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15754607646191815673noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3085949644865379926.post-78491048397651175932008-01-28T03:52:00.000-08:002010-11-24T03:15:55.186-08:00Fairness and justice: a perspective from abroadCarol moved from Kenya to the UK more than 20 years ago. As the post-election confusion has unfolded, she has been doggedly followed the news and blogs from Kenya. She also tends her own blog, <a href="http://kenyanemergency.wordpress.com/">A Political Mugging in God's Own Country.</a><br />
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She describes herself as "a mother of three children and keeper of two cats. Studying international politics at uni and a writer diametrically opposed to Fukuyama's 'End of History' analysis."<br />
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She has graciously accepted 8 Month's invitation to write about her perspective on the current conflict<br />
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<strong>On Fairness and Justice</strong><br />
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Kenya's people are bearing huge losses of life and property since the political fallout following the declaration and swearing in of Mwai Kibaki as president of Kenya, on December 30, 2007. <br />
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Fairness and justice matter to Kenyans. The majority have clearly expressed their grievances with what they see as an election "stolen" from their democratically-elected leader, Raila Odinga. For 45 percent of the population, the democratic process now seems a sham.<br />
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The youth make demands for their president, Raila Odinga, with slogans such as "No Raila! No Peace!" Joel Oduor, a demonstrator from Kisumu, express it this way, "We want Kibaki to resign and pave the way for our rightful President Raila Odinga."<br />
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These calls are coming from the slums, historically the hotbed of political activism, and from the regional stronghold of Odinga's Orange Democratic Movement. Street demonstrations are spilling over into violence, in part because members of the General Service Unit of the Kenyan armed forces have used lethal force on demonstrators.<br />
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In response to these challenges, Mwai Kibaki has instituted a ban on all live media broadcasts. Some Kenyans see this as an effort to prevent Raila Odinga from mobilizing angry and disaffected youth who support him.<br />
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In addition, the government has banned all demonstrations. Under Kenya's constitution people have the right to peacefully assemble and demonstrate. The police say a ban on all rallies is necessary to prevent "criminal elements" from taking advantage of the situation.<br />
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It is ironic that this is happening under Kibaki, whose first administration lifted restrictions on freedom of speech and introduced progressive democratic reforms. When I visited Kenya last February, there was palpable optimism and pride in the country's democratic gains. The media was freer than even that of the UK. It seemed anyone could say anything. And now this.<br />
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The night Kibaki was hastily sworn in for his second term as Kenya's president, the General Service Unit, under cover of darkness, entered the sprawling Nairobi slum of Kibera, seeking out Odinga's supporters. Odinga belongs to the Luo tribe and about 45 percent of the Kibera population are Luo.<br />
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Kenya's General Service Unit is a highly-trained paramilitary force that the government is using to suppress internal dissent. It is made up almost exclusively of Kikuyus. (Decalo S. p.562 and Dianga J. p.135). One of its primary roles during the current conflict is keeping the two million people who live in Nairobi's slum settlements from spilling out into the streets of the capital. <br />
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Eyewitnesses reported Luos were being shot and left for dead by the soldiers. In the meantime, some Luos were exacting revenge for the "stolen election." They were attacking their Kikuyu neighbors, most of whom support their fellow tribesman, Mwai Kibaki. The situation quickly descended into a hobbesian war of all against all. <br />
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Kikuyus fled Kibera's slum in vast numbers, many leaving behind their property and belongings. Homes were torched, women and children were raped, babies killed. About 75,000 women and children are now camped around the city in make-shift shelters reliant on international aid. [There is now talk that the government plans to disband these camps. It is not clear where the displaced will go from there.]<br />
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On hearing the result of the election, Odinga's Orange Democratic Movement called for a mass demonstration at Uhuru Park, in downtown Nairobi. It was to take place the following day. People in Kibera were determined to reach the park all the same and at whatever the price. The General Service Unit's tactics changed from the night before, perhaps because leaders were aware that the eyes of the world were on them. <br />
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Water cannons and teargas were directed at crowds of peaceful demonstrators on Nairobi's streets. At the entrances to Nairobi's slums the soldiers fired live rounds in to the air. When these methods did not seem to work as a deterrent, they started shooting at demonstrators. <br />
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In Kisumu, Deputy Police Commissioner Grace Kaindi justified this by saying of the demonstrators, "They don't know another language except the gun." The media began to report that many of those lying in morgues had been shot in the back. <br />
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Three weeks ago Kibaki calculated that these measures would help to contain people's anger and frustration. Perhaps he assumed that the uprisings would die down after a few days. He was wrong. These measures have only sharpened the feelings of anger and discontent directed at Kibaki and the clique that surrounds him, known as the Mount Kenya Mafia. <br />
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<strong>Betrayal</strong><br />
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Looking at Kenya today, one can see a muddle of groups with competing claims. It is difficult to imagine what might hold the nation together, now these grievances borne of frustration have burst to the surface. The recent violence has deepened cleavages between people of different ethnic communities and economic classes. <br />
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What is it that makes Kenya homogenous today, apart from the imaginary border that contains her people? Conflicts over the land itself underpin some of the longest-standing disputes in Kenya.<br />
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In the Rift Valley, Kalenjin grievances about land were exploited in the lead up to the December 2007 election. These complaints go back to the era of Jomo Kenyatta, Kenya's first president, and beyond to the colonial administration. <br />
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Following independence in 1963, Kenyatta's government bought land from Kenya's white settlers to redistribute to Africans. Some Kikuyu set up companies to buy large tracts of land which were then resold at prices beyond the reach of most Kalenjins. Kikuyus displaced by the colonial administration resettled here. They took up farming and prospered while the Kalenjin community, traditionally pastoralists, <a href="http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=76319">languished under successive regimes</a>. <br />
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In Nyanza Province, the geographical heart of Odinga's support, people have suffered under years of governmental neglect. They have watched the Kikuyu-dominated Central Province receive the biggest slice of the government's revenue pie.<br />
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Forty-four years after independence, Nyanza is still grossly under-developed. On the shores of Lake Victoria, Luos ask why no government has undertaken the task of building a lucrative fishing industry. They say business free people from reliance on the politics of patronage. Many Luos argue that the Kikuyu have "eaten", so have the Kalenjin, and they believed that under Odinga it would be their turn to "eat."<br />
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Along Kenya's coast, people complain that Muslim Kenyans have been unfairly targeted and mistreated because of Kibaki's cooperation with the George Bush's administration's so-called war on terror. Some people along the coast have an interest in seeing the back of Kibaki. <br />
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With the Luo only making up 13 percent of Kenya's population, it made little sense for Odinga to mobilise people along strictly tribal lines. To win with a clear majority Odinga needed to make appeals that cut across lines of ethnicity. He mobilized these many disenfranchised groups behind ODM's calls for change and his promises to clean up corruption. <br />
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This was a good strategy at the national level and ensured that Odinga's ODM won in six out Kenya's eight provinces [candidates need to win a majority of the votes in at least five provinces to win the presidency] but it was marred by politics at the local level. (Klopp 2001)<br />
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For instance, in the Rift Valley, it made little sense for ODM's William Ruto, a Kalenjin, to appeal to his constituency on broad national issues. Instead, he championed local causes, in this case Kalenjin grievances over land. He campaigned on a similar platform in previous elections. For Ruto to disavow ethnic difference in the 2007 race would have been disingenuous. <br />
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It was politically advantageous for William Ruto to politicize ethnicity by emphasizing Kalenjin identity as being distinct from other tribes in the region. According to Kikuyus who have fled Rift Valley in recent weeks, Ruto preached hatred against the Kikuyu. Now some members of the Kalenjin community have led the massacre of Kikuyus in the region.<br />
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<strong>Problems of legitimacy</strong><br />
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If we can look beyond ethnicity and political affiliations, the problems afflicting Kibaki since his swearing in at the end of 2007 rest squarely on the fact that he does not have the consent of the majority to rule. <br />
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By consent, I mean the principle that in a democratic society, a government's right to use state power is granted by the people over which that power is exercised. That consent relies on moral authority and trust. <br />
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In Kenya, consent has been shattered beyond recognition during the past three weeks. So has democratic reform, which seems to have been usurped by a clique of power-hungry old men for whom democracy is a hollow concept. <br />
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Kenyan institutions such as the judiciary, have been exposed as corrupt entities incapable of dealing with other governmental rot that has been revealed in recent weeks. The shame is, there are many talented Kenyans who could reverse this situation but they are currently being held back.<br />
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Mwai Kibaki actions, or more accurately, inactions over the past three weeks have ensured that he has lost the trust of ODM supporters. Odinga, through his tactical errors, has not been able to reach out to flagging Kibaki supporters. In fact he has alienated many among Kenya's middle and upper classes. <br />
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Odinga's error was to go to the electorate with promises that the "national cake" would be distributed more fairly than had been done under Kibaki. Odinga trafficked the perception that the Kikuyu had been the sole beneficiaries of government revenues under Kibaki. <br />
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It is surprising how quickly this campaign succeeded in turning Kikuyus into the national "other." Sadly, the majority of Kikuyus, like most Kenyans, live on less than 600 USD a year. They are hardly enjoying the prosperity they have been accused of. <br />
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Approximately 60 percent of Kenyans live in poverty, surviving on less than two dollars a day. Poverty cuts across lines of ethnicity. While Kenya's political elite point to the five percent annual economic growth that Kenya has experienced under Kibaki, they do not acknowledge that this has come at a price for Kenya's poorest citizens who have seen widening of the gap between rich and poor.<br />
<br />
All Odinga managed to do was mobilise the poor against the poor. This is why I say he made a tactical error.<br />
<br />
No doubt there are Kikuyu in the political elite who have benefited under Kibaki but Kenya's political elite is multi-ethnic who have more in common with each other than they do with the poor and vice versa. Similarly, Kenya's multi-ethnic poor have more in common with each other than they do with the elite. <br />
<br />
What we are really witnessing is an inter-elite conflict which has led to deaths, displacements and disenfranchisement of poor Kenyans across the country. Kenya's poor are deprived of a leader or a movement capable of addressing their diverse grievances and aspirations.<br />
<br />
Listening to the voices of the powerless can humanise all of us. <br />
<br />
Odinga can not possibly hope to lead a social movement that excludes the 22 percent of the Kenya populace who are Kikuyu. He must acknowledge his campaign has so far engendered fear, terror and mistrust. Why was he unable to foretell that his actions would lead to this? <br />
<br />
At its heart, this conflict is about resources. In a country where wealth was distributed more equitably, tribalism would never arise.<br />
<br />
<strong>Lack of legitimacy</strong><br />
<br />
The problems besetting Kibaki stem from the fact that his legitimacy relies on how the people view his right to govern. If close to 50 percent of the population believe he has stolen the election, how can he expect to be given consent to govern? This is a problem. <br />
<br />
By continuing to avoid being seen in public, and by refusing to acknowledge that the elections were flawed, he encourages the view that his claims to govern are illegitimate and further undermines the notions of democratic consent on which his governance must rest. In other words, having compromised the democratic process he has undermined his own claims to govern. <br />
<br />
Kibaki can not regain legitimacy through coercion. The Kiberan chant of "Democracy or death" is testimony to that. People have made up their minds that the value of attaining democracy outweighs the potential cost of dying in the process.<br />
<br />
For too long the poorest Kenyans have been denied work, resources, services and protection by the state. This is a country where a degree holder can work as a night-watchman. A change in power represents their best hopes of reversing this situation. Raila Odinga expressed that hope. <br />
<br />
Kibaki can only offer the political status quo. For now, he is tied to placing a fence around the slums and to guarding their exits. He has also shown that he is prepared to continue to exclude the disenfranchised from the political process by refusing for so long to meet with Odinga. <br />
<br />
Kibaki must lift all bans on live media broadcasts. He must allow people the right to peacefully assemble and demonstrate. He should prohibit the GSU from using live rounds on innocent demonstrators.<br />
<br />
Most importantly, Kibaki must remember that it is only through fair face-to-face negotiations that legitimacy can be conferred. Kibaki ignores this at his peril, and at the peril of countless Kenyans who seem wiling to die for economic equality and true democracy. <br />
<br />
Decalo S., (p562), Modalities of Civil-Military Stability in Africa, The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 27, No. 4. (Dec., 1989), pp. 547-578.<br />
<br />
Dianga J. W., (p.135), 2002, Kenya 1982, The Attempted Coup: The Consequence of a One Party Dictatorship, Pen Press, London.<br />
<br />
Klopp J.M., Ethnic Clashes" and Winning Elections: The Case of Kenya's Electoral Despotism, Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Etudes Africaines, Vol. 35, No. 3. (2001), pp. 473-517.Sara Nicshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15754607646191815673noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3085949644865379926.post-10825849349484383762008-01-23T05:42:00.000-08:002010-11-24T03:17:43.209-08:00Politics and history: a perspective from the present<a href="http://commonco.typepad.com/.shared/image.html?/photos/uncategorized/2008/01/23/asc_sign.jpg" onclick="window.open(this.href, '_blank', 'width=721,height=750,scrollbars=no,resizable=no,toolbar=no,directories=no,location=no,menubar=no,status=no,left=0,top=0'); return false"><img alt="Asc_sign" border="0" height="104" src="http://commonco.typepad.com/8months/images/2008/01/23/asc_sign.jpg" style="float: right; margin: 0px 0px 5px 5px;" title="Asc_sign" width="100" /></a><a href="http://www.africanstudies.ox.ac.uk/david_anderson.htm">David Anderson</a> is faculty at the <a href="http://www.africanstudies.ox.ac.uk/">African Studies Center of Oxford University</a>. He first went to Kenya in 1979 and has been studying, writing and teaching about politics and history in Africa since then. <br />
<br />
He generously took an hour out of his busy schedule to share his views on the political situation in Kenya.<br />
<br />
The transcript below is very long but, I think, very interesting. Please feel free to comment.<br />
<br />
<em>How surprised were you, personally, by the duration of the violence that we have seen since the election?</em><br />
<br />
I wasn't surprised at all. Violence has characterized Kenyan politics since at least the 1960s, and arguably earlier. From the early 1990s, that violence became increasingly instrumental to the political process itself.<br />
<br />
<em>Instrumental?</em><br />
<br />
Yes, in that the Moi government purposefully deployed violence as part of its electoral politics. This is not a matter of debate or speculation, it's a matter of fact. That fact was confirmed even by a parliamentary committee. The great, great sadness of Kenya's politics is that no one was ever prosecuted for it.<br />
<br />
<em>Why was the international community so surprised?</em><br />
<br />
Because they don't watch what they are doing. The international community is only concerned about a story once it becomes newsworthy. I returned from Kenya in mid-December and told anyone who cared to listen what was going to happen. Because as those in Nairobi knew only too well, both parties had a plan B. In both cases, plan B would result at the very least in civil disturbance, in the very worst case in violence. And it was obvious, if the polls were anywhere near right, that plan B would be necessary.<br />
<br />
Now no one in the British government was very interested in that until the [situation escalated]. So the problem in world politics is getting people's attention before something happens.<br />
<br />
<em>How would you characterize the international community's perception of Kenya pre-December 30th?</em><br />
<br />
I think those who work for donor groups and international agencies engaged in the process of fostering democratization and humanitarian rights in Africa and elsewhere inevitably play a double game. They want to encourage the development of the trends and changes they want to see. At the same time, they are aware that they do not live in a perfect world, that inevitably there will be gradualism, limitations to be accepted.<br />
<br />
In the case of Kenya, those constraints have been heavily inflected post 9-11 by Kenya's role as the crucial regional ally for the west in its war on terrorism.<br />
<br />
So whereas up until 2001, American and British pressure in Kenya was fairly acute, to the extent that, in 2000, within two years of the 2002 elections, some European governments were seriously considering pulling the aid plug on Kenya. But by the end of 2001, that had completely changed. There was no way anyone was going to put Kenya under that much pressure. And every Kenyan politician knows that.<br />
<br />
So their bargaining position increased enormously. They realized that they actually didn't need to play the game as cleanly as they might otherwise have done. And they knew that they could get away with brokering solutions that would have otherwise not been acceptable to their international partners.<br />
<br />
So since 2001, Kenyan politics has actually got dirtier. The west and the donors have turned a very blind eye to it.<br />
<br />
<em>Who gains from this faulty perception of Kenya as a democratic and developmental anchor?</em><br />
<br />
So long as the myth persisted and nothing too dramatic happened, then no one internationally was harmed by it. Although, the Kenyan people and their desire for democracy were severely thwarted by it.<br />
<br />
<em>How? Can you give me an example?</em><br />
<br />
In the sense that, we moved into a phase where Kenya's civil society is extremely energetic, engaged and pro-active. It has filled, more than filled, the democratic space that has been made for it. <br />
<br />
But it has a political elite that still makes its calculations not on the basis of how many votes it can garner through persuasion and discussion, but how many votes it can garner through political deals and brokerage. <br />
<br />
<div dir="ltr" style="margin-right: 0px;"><strong>"The push for coalition government actually moves us backwards."</strong></div><br />
The old guard of autocrats who ruled Kenya for so many years are still there. And their political residue is still there. As the elections have become tighter, more closely run affairs, people commanding relatively small groups of support have greater degrees of power. <br />
<br />
In the current campaign, once it became clear that Mwai Kibaki was, indeed, in trouble and that Odinga's opposition might just win, PNU at once began cultivating support among those that they might not have otherwise not have counted as their friends. That brought several old guard politicians back into play and it allowed them to get their hooks into the electoral process.<br />
<br />
Now I am not suggesting for one minute that their participation is the sole reason for what happened, but their engagement with PNU certainly didn't help.<br />
<br />
In an era of coalition politics, where people need partnerships in order to get power, the Kenyan political elite is likely not to become less autocratic, but to become more autocratic. The push for coalition government actually moves us backwards, not forwards, in terms of democratic institution building.<br />
<br />
<em>Why do the West and Kenya's neighbors need at least the image of Kenya as a stable democracy?</em><br />
<br />
We have to be a little careful here. Although you have described it as an image and in my answer, I have been inclined to endorse that, for many of the people involved at senior levels in world organizations and donor groups, it is a reality. Kenya is seen by them as the most stable of their African partners. That may be a relative term but it's an important one.<br />
<br />
Also, Kenya is a country they have felt that they can do business with and do business in, in that most things in Kenya are negotiable. Those things are seen by the West as being substantive and important. And even if Kenya is somewhat frayed at the edges, it is the least frayed at the edges of all the alternatives.<br />
<br />
<em>So why is Kenya valuable in its current state to the West and its neighbors?</em><br />
<br />
It's still valuable because <a href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/7155868.stm">the Ethiopian invasion of Somalia</a>, for example, in 2006, could not have taken place effectively without support from Kenya. And without the bases and the logistic support that the Kenyan government has provided by allowing American and (as far as I am aware) British security forces to operate from Kenyan soil.<br />
<br />
Kenya is seen as a very important ally in regional organizations, <a href="http://www.eac.int/">the East African group</a> in particular but the <a href="http://www.africa-union.org/">African Union</a> also, in acting as a broker for Western opinion and in being a sounding board through which the Americans and British in particular can find out what other African governments are doing and how they might behave.<br />
<br />
<em>I read somewhere that you think that this conflict is not actually tribal...</em><br />
<br />
It is very interesting when you analyze the voting behavior of the Kenyan people, the very mixed results you get. In some constituencies, in some areas, Kenyans vote ethically, strongly ethnically. But in other areas, they don't vote ethnically at all and never have done. <br />
<br />
It's an immensely complex picture and it's often mediated by much more contemporary and current events. People will vote for other reasons than ethnicity and frequently do. And the more urban they are, the less ethnic they tend to be.<br />
<br />
All these things need to be factored in because they help us to realize that what has happened since <a href="http://www.eck.or.ke/">the 2007 "results"</a> were announced, has been an up-swelling of reaction, but that it has had different formulations in different places.<br />
<br />
This is not simply the usual academic lament that it is all much more complicated than you realize. It is actually a description of the reality. <br />
<br />
So even in the Rift Valley where my colleagues and I have been doing considerable work to try to understand what has been happening, it is quite clear in Rift Valley there are at least four quite different sets of conflicts going on. They are motivated by different people with different causes and different issues at their heart.<br />
<br />
None of them, as it happens, are intrinsically to do with the ballot results. They are all mobilizations and activations of other kinds of dispute for which this provides a wonderful camouflage and excuse.<br />
<br />
Now, of course, that kind of detail is much too complicated for international agencies to deal with. They don't want to get to that kind of grained understanding. But Kenyans understand it all too well. <br />
<br />
So when [a staff person from the Kenyan Human Rights Organization] claims that <a href="http://ap.google.com/article/ALeqM5hmUEpUGjfu35rYve27mBbzLGEfPQD8U4ER180">violence in the Rift Valley was paid for and organized by politicians</a>, she is right. But that that doesn't mean that that is what happened everywhere. <br />
<br />
The danger in saying that the conflict is purely ethnic comes from the fact that the international media seize upon it and then present the conflict purely and simply in those terms. Before you know it, Kenya is being presented as the second Rwanda. All the subtle understandings are lost because the comparison is all that then matters. <br />
<br />
I think we have a responsibility as commentators, who know Kenya better, not to fall into that trap and to argue against any simple-minded, witless journalist who wishes to make that point.<br />
<br />
<em>Is there some kind of comparison that is more fitting, that people in the developed world might be familiar with? Is there something that you would compare it to?</em><br />
<br />
Let me firstly say that the correlation of the Rwanda comparisons that were touted in the press fell exactly in relation to <a href="http://www.bdafrica.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=5115&Itemid=5821">the murders in the church in Eldoret</a>. That single event did more than anything else to trigger those comparisons. <br />
<br />
However, the explanation that violence is to some extent controlled by politicians, is to some extent payed for, that people in the Rift Valley in particular sent text messages encouraging others to "finish their work" (which is a direct parallel of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rwandan_Genocide">the Rwandan case</a>) all of those things do invoke the images of Rwanda to some extent. But I think it is the wrong comparison.<br />
<br />
Kenya's struggles are much more localized in their focus and driven by much more intimate politics. I think that there isn't an obvious comparator that one can reach for. What you can do is give an explanation of a political system and what has happened to it.<br />
<br />
That explanation begins with <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Daniel_arap_Moi">Moi</a> [Kenya's President from 1978 to 2002].It begins with Moi's reaction to being pushed into multi-party democracy in 1989. His reaction was to say that this would engender tribal violence in Kenya. He made that comment explicitly. He then made it come true by arming his own militia, training them through his own military and police, and sending them into action against communities that he victimized.<br />
<br />
<strong>"Violence is not an event. It is a process. It takes on a life of its own."</strong><br />
<br />
He and his supporters did this predominantly in the Rift Valley. It's not surprising that three of the main sites of the violence in the last two weeks are the sites that he inaugurated that violence in, in 1992. Violence is not an event. It is a process. It takes on a life of its own. Violence breeds reaction and further violence, whether defensively or aggressively. That, in turn, provokes a further response. <br />
<br />
We are now in a cycle of violence in these places that has very little to do with the actual politicians and has now become more to do with people's own sense of shame, fear, vulnerability and anxiety. That is a very dangerous position to be in. <br />
<br />
So we have classic instability when people don't feel that they are secure, they don't feel that the organs of the state can protect them, therefore they have to protect themselves. So we move into the realms of vigilantism and militias. And in that situation, unscrupulous politicians will thrive. Frankly, Kenya's Rift Valley province has more than its fair share of unscrupulous politicians.<br />
<br />
Now you add to that, in Kenya's case, the issue of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kenyan_constitutional_referendum,_2005">constitutional reform</a> and you get a very combustible mix. The constitutional reform issue has revolved around the whole debate about devolved powers. For Kenyans, that revives all the issues around majimboism. <br />
<br />
Attempts by noble and honest commentators to retrieve regionalism from the carnage of a <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Majimbo">majimbo debate</a> have been very earnest and very worthwhile but they have not succeeded in capturing the public imagination. The public still sees majimbo as a violent, ethnocentric campaign to cleanse some parts of Kenya from people who were not born in that part. <br />
<br />
That, for Kenyans, is a very serious and real political conundrum. It seems to me that most Kenyans do want some kind of local government, even if they are not sure whether they want some kind of devolved government. Unless they can sweep away the majimbo debate and discuss local government and regional representation with a clear head, we are likely to be trapped in the traffic of this violent politics for a long time to come.<br />
<br />
<em>Taking a step back from the straight political discussion, how would you characterize tribalism in Kenya, as compared to other East African states?</em><br />
<br />
We do now have some ways of doing that empirically. There are creditable and credible sources that try to measure it. The best one, to my knowledge, is <a href="http://www.afrobarometer.org/topics.html">Afrobarometer</a>, that has conducted questionnaires in may different African countries, dealing with peoples voting habits.<br />
<br />
<strong>"People in Kenya really do express their identity, first and foremost, in national terms"</strong><br />
<br />
If you look at <a href="http://www.afrobarometer.org/kenya.htm">the Afrobarometer findings for Kenya</a>, what you see is people in Kenya really do express their identity, first and foremost, in national terms. They are Kenyan before they are anything else. And the figures for Kenya on this particular question are just about the highest in Africa. So Kenyans are more nationalistic than almost anyone else. <br />
<br />
When you ask them about tribal identity, they also identify with that quite strongly. So the point is, they are both, but they really do see themselves as Kenyan. Now I think that is profoundly important. Although they want their regional identity recognized, acknowledged and properly respected, they don't want not to be Kenyan. There has never been a secessionist debate in Kenya. Majimboism has never been about separation, it's been a debate about resource flows, about who gets what and whether it is actually fair.<br />
<br />
<em>What hope do you have for a more issues-based political discourse in Kenya?</em><br />
<br />
It would be very pleasing indeed to imagine a political future where Kenya's political parties were organized around issues of principle, ideology and social order, that we had visions of the future as it were. There are Kenyan politicians, I think, who have that now, but they are not yet in the majority. And I think it is going to take us another two decades to get there.<br />
<br />
We've had two decades so far in which we have managed to entrench electoral politics as a democratic institution. And this election has not been stolen from Raila Odinga, it has been stolen from the Kenyan people. That is the point. It doesn't matter who won the ballot. It's been stolen from the people who bothered to go and vote.<br />
<br />
We've had 20 years of building up elections. Can we now, in the next 20 years, build up the institutions that will allow politics to take an ideas-based route. That will involve strengthening things like the electoral commission, strengthening parliament enormously. The Kenyan parliament, to be honest, is a joke. It seriously needs reform. Kenya does need a new constitution. It has to have one. The failure of Kibaki's government to achieve that, now looks much more important than it did when the government lost that vote.<br />
<br />
<em>How would you compare the run-up to December 27th, to the run-up to the 2002 election? In 2002, the world community was saying, "Kenya's done it. Here it is: Democracy."</em><br />
<br />
That's because the world community wanted to believe that it really was a new era. If you look at the serious analysis of that result, all of us analysts who knew Kenya better were much more cautious. Most wrote about the beginnings of a process, not the end of a process. Many of us did say that the hard work lay ahead, not behind us. Having removed the old guard from power, they were still standing in the wings. <br />
<br />
<em>And Kibaki is not quite "new guard"...</em><br />
<br />
Indeed not and there were some of us who made that point as well. <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mwai_Kibaki">Kibaki'</a>s government in 2002 was appallingly conservative. It was a government of, for and by the middle classes, intended entirely to secure a set of vested interests that were already well-ingrained and well-established. <br />
<br />
That was said at the time by many analysts, but it wasn't what the international community wanted to hear. They wanted to champion Kenya as Africa's most mature democracy. They wanted to support the transition, in the genuine hope that by supporting it, you would encourage it along more quickly.<br />
<br />
That is where the real naivete and stupidity comes. Because, of course, the African politicians in Kenya are all-too-well aware of what the limits of their powers may or may not be. And they have, in the 2007 elections, exploited the fact that the West and the international community have assumed that Kenya is OK. The electoral practices we have seen in 2007 have been far worse than anything we've seen before. 1982 was pretty bad but this beats it.<br />
<br />
What that tells you, if you look at it chronologically, they did it in 1992 because they needed to win. By 1997 and 2002, they were aware that people were watching and you have to be more careful. Some of the practices were more constrained by institutional impositions put in place by the Electoral Commission of Kenya and others. By 2007, they thought, "What the heck. We know how to get around these things."<br />
<br />
<strong>"What politicians have learned is how to fudge election results."</strong><br />
<br />
There is a learning curve here, is what I am suggesting. What politicians have learned is how to fudge election results, what you do in order to avoid oversight. Oversight has also diminished. As international observer groups have come to feel that Kenya is OK, they need further observers. If you recall, the Kenyan government had some debate late year about how many observers Kenya would let in.<br />
<br />
When you know so little about the local politics, you have no idea what shenanigans will go on. Some people who were on observer groups simply have no idea of the extent of what went on.<br />
<br />
<em>Is that why it's taken so long for the international community to come out with statements of concern about the electoral process and results?</em><br />
<br />
That has a rather different explanation. Kibaki's haste to have himself confirmed in a second term and the fact that the head of the electoral commission was pretty much forced into doing it, tells you something very significant. <br />
<br />
What Kibaki was doing there was trading on the fact that <a href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/7091364.stm">the electoral commissioner's reputation</a> was high internationally, that people would generally want to support him, that he was seen as a leading member of the Commonwealth electoral commissioner's group, etcetera, etcetera.<br />
<br />
Kivuitu's reputation in Kenya in 2007 came under serious challenge because of what people knew was going on in the interference with the independence of the commission. But externally, international groups felt they should support Sam because he was trying to do a good job in a difficult situation. Now Kibaki and his advisers showed great astuteness in realizing that.<br />
<br />
<em>How can Kenya move toward a more holistic development?</em><br />
<br />
That question has to be answered in several parts. There are two main areas...<br />
<br />
Firstly, institutional development, boring and dull as it may sound, is absolutely critical. Elections aren't worth the paper they are written on, if they aren't supported by strong institutions. The electoral commission has to be restored, rebuilt and given serious powers. <br />
<br />
The judiciary needs complete overhauling and all of the replacements (particularly those <a href="http://www.eastandard.net/hm_news/news.php?articleid=1143979461">appointed on Christmas Eve</a>) removed. Parliament needs to be funded properly, given functioning working committees, the opposition properly instituted in its parliamentary role, review and other procedures of government business inaugurated and carried through to a proper conclusion, drafts persons and assistants appointed and paid for by the state so that parliamentarians can do their business, and so on. <br />
<br />
All of those things are functional to any democractic politics. Without it, if you don't win, you lose everything because you have no role. You have to give opposition politicians a reason to be there. That reason comes from a functioning parliamentary democracy. We have to invest in these things and instead of giving Kenyan politicians pay raises, why not simply give them allowances and funds to support their offices properly.<br />
<br />
So that is one part. There is another part about coalition governments and how that works.<br />
<br />
If you look historically at how democracies evolved in other parts of the world. There are often a number of different phases through which that must take place. In Kenya and in much of Africa, we are at the end of the first phases, which is a phase in which you get rid of these old guard autocrats who ran the rotten burrows and paid for politics to happen. You move into a situation where they have to compete in an election against others on terms that are not purely set by the depths of their pockets.<br />
<br />
That's what we've got in Kenya. It doesn't mean that those old guard are yet lost. They are still there, but they are now having to compete in a different arena.<br />
<br />
That tends to lead to a much more closely-run politics. Large parties find it difficult to dominate. Small parties proliferate. Lots of small parties tend to be weak, but collectively they gain power, so they form coalitions. But these coalitions are kaleidoscopes: lots of moving parts, people who can be bidded in or out of them depending on who pays them. The corruption that caused autocrats to dominate moves into a phase when corruption is used to buy off smaller groups, one against the other. <br />
<br />
This is exactly what we've just seen in the 2007 election in Kenya. People with deep pockets, many of whom may be those who filched it from the state in the last 20 years, still have enormous power. <br />
<br />
Now this coalition phase, in my view, is even more dangerous than what went before. Because people can exploit these [cultural] differences to their own advantage. Coalition politics can actually lead both to the entrenching of vested interests and to the slowing down of democratic reform. The people who don't want that reform may be a very small minority but their participation in a coalition may be crucial to its power. That's exactly where we are now.<br />
<br />
<strong>"What we are seeing is a pattern. And it's a pattern that is not intrinsically Kenyan."</strong><br />
<br />
I would argue that it's not jut Kenya that is there: it's Zambia, it's Malawi, Nigeria is heading in the same direction, Uganda will be exactly the same when it moves to multi-party politics. What we are seeing is a pattern. And it's a pattern that is not intrinsically Kenyan. It's intrinsic to the process that we are looking at.<br />
<br />
People at the start of this transition to democracy were not honest enough or candid enough about what was going to happen. This is utterly predictable. You can model it. It is likely to happen, not unlikely to happen. But, hey, maybe if in 1989, you'd said to the Kenyan people, "Well, we are going to have 40 to 50 years of turmoil and then you'll have a nice democratic country." Would they have been quite so keen?<br />
<br />
<em>I've heard a lot of people say that, while they waited so long to exercise their right to vote on December 27th, they are now wishing the election never happened...</em><br />
<br />
I've heard this again and again and again. My e-mail box is full of it. I have been saying and I will be saying to the British government tomorrow when I meet with them, that democratic participation in Kenya has just taken one hell of a hit. Getting these good people back out again is going to be really difficult. <br />
<br />
And if you think they are going to vote for Mwai Kibaki or Raila Odinga again, forget it. Damaged goods, both. They are out of here whether they like it or not. The real problem is, who can replace them?<br />
<br />
I quite agree that we have got to rebuild now a sense of participation. That's going to be really, really difficult. And it is one of the hazards of this kind of coalition. Italy in the 1960s and 1970s, exactly the same. People feel that politics just isn't worth the time. And yet, their lack of participation opens the door for all kinds of mischief and any kind of tyrant or autocrat getting power with a relatively small power base. <br />
<br />
So I think we are in a very dangerous situation. We are going to have a long time of it. We are in for at least another decade of really quite difficult, fraught, fractured politics where it is going to be very, very touch-and-go whether things can be held together.<br />
<br />
<em>So, is culture really just a wedge that people are using?</em><br />
<br />
Yes. I don't think culture is the cause of this at all. I often say to my students that they must be careful not to mistake a description for an explanation. <br />
<br />
In Kenya's case, this is very appropriate. The cultural politics is simple a description of what you think you see, it's not an explanation of what is actually motivating what is happening.<br />
<br />
<em>What does the international community need to do, in this precarious moment?</em><br />
<br />
In the first place, they need to shut up. One of the grossest errors made in this entire process in Kenya was Gordon Brown's office issuing a press release to tell the world that our hero, Prime Minister Brown, had offered Kenya a solution to its problem. I'm quite sure that Gordon Brown was well-meaning. I'm quite certain that the arbiters he proposed to both Raila and Mwai were perfectly sensible. But why the hell did he have to tell the world he had done it? Did he really need the credit for that?<br />
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And in Africa of all places, having former colonialists tell you what to do ain't good politics. Even if, personally, those politicians were happy to accept that advice, they didn't want the world told that they had done so. <br />
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So if the West is going to "help" Africa, it can help it first by keeping its opinions to itself and doing things quietly and subtly and giving assitance where it is wanted and not being heavy-handed, and never taking the credit for it.<br />
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Secondly, they can do their level best to be more honest and more candid in their evaluation of what progress is being made. Stop kowtowing to tyrants. Stop allowing them to believe they are getting away with it. Be blunter. Be franker. They are not fooling people, least of all the Kenyan people, who know only too well how messy and rotten their politics is. Why are they shy of saying so? Kenyans respect you far more for your honesty and integrity. <br />
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So I think we just have to be braver and bolder and more honest. And if we can do that, I think we will find that people come into politics in Kenya with the right standards, qualities and integrity. But they won't come in if they think they are going to be mired in this dishonesty. If we can get them into a situation where they feel they are being treated and supported properly, then I think there are good people who will come forward. It will take a little while. We are not going to see them in the next 12 months, but there will be people who will come forward.<br />
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The other thing, if the West is going to give money to something, for God's sake, give money to building institutions and to building up legislators and parliaments.<br />
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<em>How are you feeling about all of this?</em><br />
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What I feel most of all, I'm just angry about it.<br />
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<em>Angry at whom?</em><br />
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Anger at the political elite, that they can treat the Kenyan people with such complete contempt. That just infuriates me. I have had a lot of contact with politicians on both sides in this process and even those who I respect and admire have stretched my patience to breaking point. <br />
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<em>Is it egotism or a power hunger that drives their actions?</em><br />
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I don't think it is always egotism. I think it is power brokerage mostly. They simply believe that if they don't win then everything is lost. And that comes down to the cost of politics, to the fact that both parties raised significant portions of their <a href="http://allafrica.com/stories/200712180025.html">election funds</a> from people they knew to be deeply corrupt. They took that money and happily spent it. Both candidates allowed their candidate to use Community Development Funds and knew it. Both parties allowed their candidate to use state resources, and knew it. So things have to be settled. <br />
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<strong>"The whole idea that we can run this election again in six months' time is complete poppycock."</strong><br />
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And they know that they can't afford to do it again in the near future. The whole idea that we can run this election again in six months' time is complete poppycock.There is no way we can run it again.<br />
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<em>So what is the answer?</em><br />
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There is no answer at the moment. And if one is being really blunt about it, PNU and Kibaki realized that. They realized only too well that if they got the key to the kingdom, there was no way anyone was going to take it off them.<br />
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It has been alleged that the United States has offered to fund a re-run. That idea has been bandied around in the European Union as well. The relative costs of doing that are quite small. But what could be more likely to illegitimate the entire process than having it externally funded? It is a good question to ask because it does get to the heart of the problem. If election funding could have been regulated and controlled in an effective way, we would not be where we are now.<br />
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So you either spend 20 years building up the institutions to get there, or you let the U.S. pay for the election now and cut out the agony. But, of course, you don't cut out the agony because you still wouldn't have the institutions. <br />
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I am not at all sure that we can have another election. I also think that if we did have another election in the next 12 months, the turnout would be around 30 percent. It would be like firing a starting gun for the people who [want violence].<br />
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I don't see an easy solution. When I stop running around and doing interviews like this, I will be deeply depressed, because we are not in a good place.Sara Nicshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15754607646191815673noreply@blogger.com1